Hubris and newspapers

By Joel Thurtell

I’m not the only crank who thinks newspapers have screwed themselves into the rut they’re now vociferously complaining about, giving a disproportionate amount of ink to their own woes rather than recording the financial grievances of others..

Jack Shafer in Slate wonders why we don’t hear more about the woes of other industries “typhooned” by what he calls “the digital slay-ride”.

He lists extinct jobs and businesses from telephone operators to typesetters, bookstores, travel agencies, record stores — why, even pimps have been pre-empted by cell phones and the Internet.

For newspapers, much of the trouble has been self-inflicted, a combination of chutzpah and hubris. Why, for instance, did the New York Times think it needed a stylish skyscraper to put out what is, after all, just a newspaper?

The answer, I think, is bubble thinking. We had a real estate bubble. Brokers, bankers and lots of fee-charging lawyers, accountants, securities raters and such were making megabucks.

We didn’t all make big bucks, but to some degree, we all got infected. Why did my hometown church decide it needed to build a fancy new building when its once-million-dollar endowment was nearing zero? Now the congregation is scrambling to meet its mortgage payment.

Mania.

We thought the law of gravity had been suspended.

Panics are propelled by the same manic furies.

But they go the wrong way.

Shafer wonders why newspapers, many of which still make respectable profits, didn’t bankroll research into ways to monetize the Web for their industry.

Why do the hard thinking when you can pocket cash?

In his 1987 book “The Reckoning” about the demise of Detroit’s automakers, David Halberstam described how Ford Motor Company elevated whiz kids like Robert McNamara to prime status and demoted its engineering and manufacturing arms. It got so Detroit car-makers could recruit Harvard MBAs for their high-status finance departments, but no scientist or engineer from a top school would want to work for the Big Three when they demeaned manufacturing as if that wasn’t their life’s blood.

Anyway, NASA and the space program beckoned.

Well, nobody has accused newspaper magnates of being rocket scientists. Shafer describes newspapers wantonly slashing quality, yet expected customers to keep paying for their substandard products.

It doesn’t take a rocket scientist to realize what the papers are hawking is getting worse every minute.

It takes chutzpah, or is it hubris, to think people will keep buying it.

Drop me a line at joelthurtell(at)gmail.com

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Where are those “cosmo” readers?

By Joel Thurtell

Back in 1991, I went to a meeting of Detroit Free Press editorial staff in that very impressive, wood-panelled room with the mural where imprtant meetings were held. This happened back when the Free Press still worked in its own Albert Kahn-designed building in downtown Detroit.

For a good hour, we listened to the paper’s higher-ups — principally our leader du jour, Heath Meriwether — urge us to write in a very different way.

So as to attract new readers, younger, more hip readers who supposedly had more money in their pockets, we were to devise news reports that would sparkle, enticing the most desired targets of the paper’s advertisers to buy the paper.

The problem with the Free Press, as seen by managers, was that we were aiming our prose at older, less hip and presumably less well-heeled readers. Our readers were stodgy, and so were we.

We were instructed to aim our writing in future at “sophisticated” readers, ones who were upscale and “cosmopolitan.”

No matter that these “older” and stodgier readers were the very ones who still were buying the paper. No matter that the young non-readers likely were getting their pocket change from their older, Free Press-subscribing parents. Or that they likely never would pay to read what we wrote, “sophisticated” or not.

“Cosmopolitan.” “Sophisticated.” These were pretty vague prescriptions. Pressed for a better definition, bosses told us we should make sure our stories would “resonate.”

Just before the meeting ended, veteran reporter John Castine raised his hand and asked the question that was on all our minds.

“You want us to write for the readers we don’t have,” Castine said. “What about the readers we DO have?”

I thought of Castine’s comment yesterday, Devember 17, 2008, as I read through the bombast (the Federal Reserve just dropped the prime lending rate to nothing — zero – and the Free Press toots its own horn all over page One) in that day’s Free Press lauding the paper’s “bold” new approach to serving its customers.

Theme: “Our effort for you won’t change.”

That seems true only if you ignore the fact that everything about the Detroit daily newspaper operation that hasn’t already changed is about to change radically. No more daily delivery. Wean readers from their daily-paper-over-coffee to staring at PDFs of the paper on a computer screen. And expect them to pay for it.

Readers the Detroit papers already have are slated to get the short end of the stick.

Don’t expect those print papers we see on Thursday, Friday and Sunday (Thursday and Friday only for the News) will be anything like today’s size.

They will be slimmed down versions of their present selves.

And their present selves are slimmed down versions of what the papers once were. Around 2005, the Detroit papers reduced the physical size of their product and ordered content cutbacks that seriously reduced the amount of actual writing the papers could present. I recall calculating the reduction totaled 35 percent.

I won’t even dwell on the loss of readership and quality occasioned by the Joint Operating Agreement in 1989 or the company-provoked strike in 1995.

I understand union leaders were told by managers on Tuesday, December 16, 2008 that the size and content of the print papers would be reduced. They also were told that advertisers feel the average age of subscribers — 51 — is too old. The readership is dying off and it’s not being replaced by younger readers.

How long before writers are urged, once again, to aim their stories at more “sophisticated” and “cosmopolitan” readers?

Trouble is, those cosmo folk either are reading the papers free online or simply ignore them.

The very readers the papers don’t want are the ones still buying the print newspapers.

How long before those readers the Detroit papers still have — the ones too old for their advertisers’ liking — say enough of this crap and stop their subscriptions?

Drop me a line at joelthurtell(at)gmail.com

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Note from Ed

By Joel Thurtell

Ed Wendover dropped me and a few other people a line today when he heard about the plans to degrade the two Detroit dailies into “twoly” and “threely” home delivery operations respectively for the Detroit News and Detroit Free press.

Wendover is former publisher of the Community Crier in Plymouth. He was a a staunch foe of the Joint Operating Agreement in 1989 which allowed the Detroit News and the Detroit Free Press to join at the wallet in a so-called “100-year monopoly” that the owners, Gannett and Knight-Ridder, hoped would make them a fortune.

Here’s what Wendover had to say:

FRIENDS OF NEWSPAPERS EVERYWHERE:

YES that’s right…
cut back on quality of content and service and expect readers to stay with you!

it is entirely embarrassing to good, honest newspaper folks that the Knight-Ridder (now defunct ENTIRELY) and Gannett beancounters have mismanaged a government-awarded MONOPOLY right into the ground. we predicted the JOA would never survive its 99 years, but we sure hoped it’d make it more than 16 years.

Detroit, once known as a great newspaper writers’ town, is in danger of going from the largest U.S. OKd monopoly (next to professional baseball) to the first major U.S. city without a home-delivered daily newspaper…

also please note the timing of this: the George W. Bush Justice Department is still (as minimally as ever) in charge for only 35 more days… they had to hurry this announcement to get it under the auspices of the “Justice” LAPDOGS who Ok’d the Sept. 2, 2005 Gannet sham swap of the News/Free Press, Knight-Ridders slinking out from Detroit in the middle of the night and Dean Singleton’s oscar-winning “JOA rescue” ACT.

should we re-start The Detroit Sunday Journal? heck, we’d even deliver it! please pass this on!!!

— wendover

I’ll be back soon with my own thoughts about yesterday’s announcement by the Detroit papers. If I were the Free Press in high kill-Kwame dudgeon, I’d point out that I scooped the papers on their own story months ago. But I’m not about to do that.

Drop me a line at joelthurterll(at)gmail.com


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News “threely” given

By Joel Thurtell

What do you call a daily newspaper that prints itself three times a week?

Thricely Free Press?

Threely News?

(Make that the Twoly News: Employees of the Detroit News and Detroit Free Press were told today that home delivery of the News will end on Mondays, Tuesdays, Wednesdays and Saturdays. The News doesn’t publish Sundays. At the Free Press, home delivery will end Mondays, Tuesdays, Wednesdays and Saturdays. The Free Press will be delivered Thursdays, Fridays and Sundays.)

I’m told by someone who, as of the moment, still has a job at one of the “dailies” that the logicians at Gannett, owner of the Detroit Free Press and Detroit News, believe they will save oodles of money by stopping the presses four days a week. Print versions of the paper will still be sold at 20,000 vending machines  and stores statewide. Internet versions of both publications will continue.

Presumably, the bosses expect to keep collecting advertising revenue, though somewhat reduced.

Reduced by 40 percent, according to this version of managerial thought processes.

Since 60 percent of ad money comes in on Thursday, Friday and Sunday, why not print only on those days, tossing the paper onto the Web the remaining four days?

That, I guess, is the logic.

Somewhere, I missed a step.

Fact: 5-10 percent of print newspaper ad revenue comes from the Internet. It follows, then, that 90-95 percent of ad money comes from the print paper.

At best, the thricely plan calls for waving goodbye to 40 percent of 90 percent of the Detroit paper’s revenue — the part that comes from printing the News and Free Press.

Did I just say “paper”?

I’ll have to retrain myself.

Still looks like a 36 percent cut in revenue.

What will replace it? Does management have a plan for increasing Internet revenue?

Will labor and material cost reductions offset the loss in ad mney?

I’ve heard a rumor that bosses plan to lay off 300 people.

I have NOT heard rumors about plans for improving Internet profits.

They decided to give their product away for free on the Internet back in the 1990s. That move would be hard to undo now. At least they can charge for the paper product. On they Internet, they’ll be giving their “dailies” away for free four days a week.

Of course, it means they’ll need fewer printers, mailers, delivery people. Will the cuts extend into the newsroom? Will editors feel the slash?

I’m reverse engineering the bosses’ logic here, so bear with me. The plan, such as it is, depends on selling 298,243 real ink-on-paper issues a day for the Free Press and 178,280 for the News. At the Free Press, 200,110 of those sales are papers delivered to homes. The News has 97,483 home deliveries a day, according to the Wall Street Journal.

But the key question is this: How many of those roughly 300,000 home subscribers will keep taking a “paper” that comes only three times a week?

And how much will they be willing to pay for it?

If circulation shrinks because of the move to thricely publication, won’t the “papers” have to reduce their ad prices?

The term “downward spiral” comes to mind.

Of course, none of the above is official. I’ve been writing about the thricely plan for months. It’s been picked up by the Wall Street journal and New York Times. But we won’t know for sure what the plan is till the top honchos — David Hunke and Paul Anger — make announcements to union leaders and employees.

That’s supposed to happen this morning.

Stay tuned.

Drop me a line at joelthurtell(at)gmail.com

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Rights and duties of subpoenaed reporters

This report was researched and written by attorney John Adam of the Royal Oak law firm, Martens, Ice, Klass, Legghio & Israel for Detroit Local 22 of The Newspaper Guild. Adam presented his work on June 4, 2002 at a Guild forum aimed at informing Guild members about their legal rights and obligations in case a court orders them to give evidence. Attendance was poor.

Attorney Adam wrote the report in response to my own situation involving a subpoena from the Oakland County Circuit Court. That experience, and John Adam’s research, have caused me to look at so-called journalism First Amendment cases very differently. I’ll write about that adventure soon.

Meanwhile, as Detroit Free Press reporter David Ashenfelter waits to see whether a federal judge will hold him in contempt of court for refusing to identify his sources for a controversial article, it seems like a good time to re-visit Adam’s report. It’s important to know that 1) in the Ashenfelter case, the Michigan reporter’s Shield Law is not recognized by the Sixth Circuit Court of Appeals in Cincinnati and 2) according to U.S. District Judge Robert Cleland, there is no shield protecting a reporter or anyone from giving eviden about a crime.

— JT

SUBPOENAED JOURNALIST IN MICHIGAN: RIGHTS AND DUTIES

Under the First Amendment, the U.S. Supreme Court has said there is a “qualified privilege” with respect to the “newsgathering” process. The courts have noted that the function of the press as a primary source of information to the public may be impeded if a reporter’s ability to gather news is impaired, especially if the importance of the reporter’s relationship with confidential informants is not recognized

Likewise, the Michigan Supreme Court in 2000 threw out criminal investigative subpoenas issued by the prosecutor seeking press photos and video footage in connection with a criminal case arising out of a 1998 East Lansing riot. (In re Investigation of March 1999 Riots in East Lansing, Sept. 26, 2000.) Several different news organizations, e.g., the Lansing State Journal and WZZM-TV, refused to provide unpublished photos or videotape. The prosecutor issued investigative subpoenas to three newspapers and seven television stations seeking all photos and video footage related to the riot.

The Michigan Supreme Court held that a state law, known as the Michigan shield law, provided that a reporter is subject to an investigative subpoena only under two circumstances: (1) where the subpoena seeks already published information or (2) where the reporter is the subject of the inquiry. Because the subpoena fit neither circumstance, the court held that the news media could not be forced to produce the tapes.

Reporters and news media are sometimes served with subpoena duces tecum (to produce documents, like notes, tapes, etc.) or subpoena ad testificandum (to testify) or to do both. Even if the reporter is employed by a news medium, the subpoena is often directed at the reporter, not the company.

Below is a general outline to help you learn your rights and duties. As this is only a general outline, you should consult with an attorney, your union representative and your editor about the specific details of any subpoena. Subpoenas are issued in both state and federal courts and in civil and criminal cases and the rules may differ.

QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS

1. What is a subpoena?

A subpoena is usually a written order directed to a person or entity, like a union or newspaper, directing a person to appear to (1) testify at a hearing, trial, or pre-trial discovery, or to (2) produce documents.

2. How do I know if a subpoena is valid?

It should contain the information required in the blanks of the subpoena form and should be signed by a judge, court clerk or an attorney representing one of the parties. You are entitled to reasonable notice and usually a witness fee. The due date to appear to testify or to produce documents must be reasonable.

3. What should you do if you are subpoenaed by a prosecutor or some other party to testify or to produce documents in a criminal or civil case?

Generally, you should contact your employer and you may want to contact your union representative and your attorney. You should ask the employer for guidance. Do not ignore it or try to evade service of the subpoena. You may object to the subpoena. If you object, you are asking a judge to decide whether you have to obey the subpoena. If you or your employer objects to the subpoena, you may have to appear in court in person or by writing and explain why you should not have to comply with the subpoena.

4. Do I have any special protections because I am a reporter?

Yes. In cases governed by Michigan law, Michigans Shield law, MCL 767A.6(6), applies to criminal investigations:

A reporter or other person who is involved in the gathering or preparation of news for broadcast or publication is not required to disclose the identity of an informant, any unpublished information obtained from an informant, or any unpublished matter or documentation, in whatever manner recorded, relating to a communication with an informant, in any inquiry conducted under this chapter. A reporter or other person who is involved in the gathering or preparation of news for broadcast or publication is subject to an inquiry under this chapter only under the following circumstances:

(a) To obtain information that has been disseminated to the public by media broadcast or print publication.

(b) If the reporter or other person is the subject of the inquiry.

(Bold added.)

The critical distinctions are published versus unpublished and informant versus identified person.

In addition, there may be other privileges or objections that can be asserted depending on the circumstances. See, for example, http://www.rcfp.org/news/2002/0515warcri.html (Lawyers for The Washington Post … pleaded to a United Nations war crimes tribunal to grant a former reporter a reprieve from testifying in a case in the fear that forcing him to testify against a suspected war criminal could set a dangerous precedent for journalists in wartime.)

The Federal Privacy Protection Act in 1980, 42 U.S.C. § 2000aa, generally prohibits both federal and state officers and employees from searching or seizing journalists= “work product” or “documentary materials” in their possession. The Act provides limited exceptions that allow the government to search for certain types of national security information, child pornography, evidence that the journalists themselves have committed a crime, or materials that must be immediately seized to prevent death or serious bodily injury. “Documentary materials” may also be seized if there is reason to believe that they would be destroyed in the time it took to obtain them using a subpoena, or if a court has ordered disclosure, the news organization has refused and all other remedies have been exhausted.

6. Can I take the Fifth and refuse to testify or produce documents?

Generally, the Fifth Amendment does not apply to subpoenas for reporters’ sources and information. It would apply only if there is some indication that the reporter might be a target, there is some assertion of criminal wrongdoing by the reporter or the answer to the question could expose the witness to criminal charges. If you assert the Fifth Amendment privilege, the Judge would likely conduct a hearing, explain the rules, determine the basis for asserting the Fifth and perhaps direct you to answer the question.

7. If I am subpoenaed to testify or to produce certain documents, does the company have to provide me with an attorney? If the company attorney calls me and says he can handle it, who does the attorney represent?

Your employer can and should provide you with an attorney since you are being subpoenaed because of your actions in the scope of your employment. Technically, the attorney is representing the company but should be able to file objections and provide advice to you. Your interests are usually aligned. The company attorney, however, is not your own personal lawyer; the attorney is hired and paid for by the company.

8. What if I disagree with the advice provided by the company attorney?

You may also want to consult with your own attorney and receive independent advice and you may want to contact your union. Your interests and your employer’s interests might diverge at some point.

9. Should I hire my own lawyer?

You may want to consult with your own attorney. This may depend on what is at issue, whether you will comply and other factors.


Q&A FROM REPORTERS COMMITTEE FOR FREEDOM OF THE PRESS HTTP://WWW.RCFP.ORG/CSI/QUESTIONS.HTML

1. Do I have to respond to a subpoena?

In a word, yes. Ignoring a subpoena is a bad idea. Failure to respond can lead to charges of contempt of court, fines, and in some cases, jail time. Even a court in another state may, under some circumstances, have authority to order you to comply with a subpoena.

2. What are my options?

Your first response to a subpoena should be to discuss it with an attorney if at all possible. Under no circumstances should you comply with a subpoena without first consulting a lawyer. It is imperative that your editor or your news organization’s legal counsel be advised as soon as you have been served.

Sometimes the person who subpoenaed you can be persuaded to withdraw it. Some attorneys use subpoenas to conduct “fishing expeditions,” broad nets cast out just to see if anything comes back. When they learn that they will have to fight a motion to quash their subpoenas, lawyers sometimes drop their demands altogether or agree to settle for less than what they originally asked for, such as an affidavit attesting to the accuracy of a story rather than in court testimony.

Some news organizations, particularly broadcasters whose aired videotape is subpoenaed, have deflected burdensome demands by agreeing to comply, but charging the subpoenaing party an appropriate fee for research time, tape duplication and the like.

If the person who subpoenaed you won’t withdraw it, you may have to fight the subpoena in court. Your lawyer will file a motion to quash, which asks the judge to rule that you don’t have to comply with the subpoena.

If the court grants your motion, you’re off the hook unless that order is itself appealed. If your motion isn’t granted, the court will usually order you to comply, or at the very least to disclose the demanded materials to the court so the judge may inspect them and determine whether any of the materials must be disclosed to the party seeking them. That order can itself be appealed to a higher court. If all appeals are unsuccessful, you could face sanctions if you continue to defy the court’s order. Sanctions may include fines imposed on your station or newspaper or on you personally, or imprisonment.

In many cases a party may subpoena you only to intimidate you, or gamble that you will not exercise your rights. By consulting a lawyer and your editors, you can decide whether to seek to quash the subpoena or to comply with it. This decision should be made with full knowledge of your rights under the First Amendment, common law, state constitution or statute.

3. They won’t drop it. I want to fight it. Do I have a chance?

This is a complicated question. If your state has a shield law, your lawyer must determine whether it will apply to you, to the information sought and to the type of proceeding involved. Even if your state does not have a shield law, or if your situation seems to fall outside its scope, the state’s courts may have recognized some common law or constitutional privilege that will protect you. Each state is different, and many courts do not recognize the privilege in certain situations.

Whether or not a statutory or other privilege protects you in a particular situation may depend on a number of factors. For example, some shield laws provide absolute protection in some circumstances, but most offer only a qualified privilege. A qualified privilege generally creates a presumption that you will not have to comply with a subpoena, but it can be overcome if the subpoenaing party can show that information in your possession is essential to the case, goes to the heart of the matter before the court, and cannot be obtained from an alternative, nonjournalist source.

Some shield laws protect only journalists who work fulltime for a newspaper, news magazine, broadcaster or cablecaster. Freelancers, book authors, scholarly researchers and other “nonprofessional” journalists may not be covered by some statutes.

Other factors that may determine the scope of the privilege include whether the underlying proceeding is criminal or civil, whether the identity of a confidential source or other confidential information is involved, and whether you or your employer is already a party to the underlying case, such as a defendant in a libel suit.

The decision to fight may not be yours alone. The lawyer may have to consider your news organization’s policy for complying with subpoenas and for revealing unpublished information or source names. If a subpoena requests only published or broadcast material, your newspaper or station may elect to turn over copies of these materials without dispute. If the materials sought are unpublished, such as notes or outtakes, or concern confidential sources, it is unlikely that your employer has a policy to turn over these materials at least without first contesting the subpoena.

Every journalist should be familiar with his or her news organization’s policy on retaining notes, tapes and drafts of articles. You should follow the rules and do so consistently. If your news organization has no formal policy, talk to your editors about establishing one. Never destroy notes, tapes, drafts or other documents once you have been served with a subpoena.

In some situations, your news organization may not agree that sources or materials should be withheld, and may try to persuade you to reveal the information. If the interests of the organization differ from yours, it may be appropriate for you to seek separate counsel.

4. Can a judge examine the information before ordering me to comply with a subpoena?

Some states require or at least allow judges to order journalists to disclose subpoenaed information to them before revealing it to the subpoenaing party. This process, called in camera review, allows a judge to examine all the material requested and determine whether it is sufficiently important to the case to justify compelled production.


SAMPLE LETTER TO EMPLOYER

Dear Employer:

I am writing in connection with the attached subpoena I just received and which I called you about. It states I need to reply by ____________.

Since the subpoena, on its face, appears to relate to a matter I covered as a reporter, I am requesting guidance as to how you want me to reply and whether the company will file an objection with the court, or if I should handle without any guidance from the company.

First, will the employer provide me with a lawyer to represent me as a reporter for the company?

Second, will the company object to the subpoena, and if the answer is yes, will a company attorney file the objection? If the answer is yes, please provide me with a copy of the objection.

Third, what does the company want or expect me to do?

A prompt relay would be appreciated.

Sincerely,

John Q. Reporter

cc: Lou Mlezcko, Newspaper Guild of Detroit

SELECTED WEB SITES

Reporters Committee for Freedom of the Press (RCFP)

RCFP Awas created in 1970 at a time when the nation’s news media faced a wave of government subpoenas asking reporters to name confidential sources.@ www.rcfp.org

AHOTLINE Journalists can call our toll?free legal defense hotline with questions about how the law affects the gathering and reporting of news. 1-800-336-4243

Listen to the oral argument before the U.S. Supreme Court in Branzburg v. Hayes (1972)

Issue: Is the requirement that news reporters appear and testify before state or federal grand juries an abridgement of the freedoms of speech and press as guaranteed by the First Amendment?

No. The Court found that requiring reporters to disclose confidential information to grand juries served a “compelling” and “paramount” state interest and did not violate the First Amendment. Justice White said that since the case involved no government intervention to impose prior restraint, and no command to publish sources or to disclose them indiscriminately, there was no Constitutional violation. The fact that reporters receive information from sources in confidence does not privilege them to withhold that information during a government investigation; the average citizen is often forced to disclose information received in confidence when summoned to testify in court. http://oyez.nwu.edu/cases/cases.cgi?case_id=48&command=show


THE PRIVACY PROTECTION ACT OF 1980 (“PPA”), 42 U.S.C. § 2000AA, et seq.

[The PPA protects journalists from being required to turn over to law enforcement any work product and documentary materials, including sources, before they are disseminated to the public.]

§ 2000aa. Searches and seizures by government officers and employees in connection with investigation or prosecution of criminal offenses

(a) Work product materialsNotwithstanding any other law, it shall be unlawful for a government officer or employee, in connection with the investigation or prosecution of a criminal offense, to search for or seize any work product materials possessed by a person reasonably believed to have a purpose to disseminate to the public a newspaper, book, broadcast, or other similar form of public communication, in or affecting interstate or foreign commerce; but this provision shall not impair or affect the ability of any government officer or employee, pursuant to otherwise applicable law, to search for or seize such materials, if–

(1) there is probable cause to believe that the person possessing such materials has committed or is committing the criminal offense to which the materials relate: Provided, however, That a government officer or employee may not search for or seize such materials under the provisions of this paragraph if the offense to which the materials relate consists of the receipt, possession, communication, or withholding of such materials or the information contained therein (but such a search or seizure may be conducted under the provisions of this paragraph if the offense consists of the receipt, possession, or communication of information relating to the national defense, classified information, or restricted data under the provisions of section 793, 794, 797, or 798 of Title 18, or section 2274, 2275 or 2277 of this title, or section 783 of Title 50, or if the offense involves the production, possession, receipt, mailing, sale, distribution, shipment, or transportation of child pornography, the sexual exploitation of children, or the sale or purchase of children under section 2251, 2251A, 2252, or 2252A of Title 18); or

(2) there is reason to believe that the immediate seizure of such materials is necessary to prevent the death of, or serious bodily injury to, a human being.

(b) Other documentsNotwithstanding any other law, it shall be unlawful for a government officer or employee, in connection with the investigation or prosecution of a criminal offense, to search for or seize documentary materials, other than work product materials, possessed by a person in connection with a purpose to disseminate to the public a newspaper, book, broadcast, or other similar form of public communication, in or affecting interstate or foreign commerce; but this provision shall not impair or affect the ability of any government officer or employee, pursuant to otherwise applicable law, to search for or seize such materials, if–

(1) there is probable cause to believe that the person possessing such materials has committed or is committing the criminal offense to which the materials relate: Provided, however, That a government officer or employee may not search for or seize such materials under the provisions of this paragraph if the offense to which the materials relate consists of the receipt, possession, communication, or withholding of such materials or the information contained therein (but such a search or seizure may be conducted under the provisions of this paragraph if the offense consists of the receipt, possession, or communication of information relating to the national defense, classified information, or restricted data under the provisions of section 793, 794, 797, or 798 of Title 18, or section 2274, 2275, or 2277 of this title, or section 783 of Title 50, or if the offense involves the production, possession, receipt, mailing, sale, distribution, shipment, or transportation of child pornography, the sexual exploitation of children, or the sale or purchase of children under section 2251, 2251A, 2252, or 2252A of Title 18);

(2) there is reason to believe that the immediate seizure of such materials is necessary to prevent the death of, or serious bodily injury to, a human being;

(3) there is reason to believe that the giving of notice pursuant to a subpena duces tecum would result in the destruction, alteration, or concealment of such materials; or

(4) such materials have not been produced in response to a court order directing compliance with a subpena duces tecum, and–

(A) all appellate remedies have been exhausted; or

(B) there is reason to believe that the delay in an investigation or trial occasioned by further proceedings relating to the subpena would threaten the interests of justice.

(c) Objections to court ordered subpoenas; affidavitsIn the event a search warrant is sought pursuant to paragraph (4)(B) of subsection (b) of this section, the person possessing the materials shall be afforded adequate opportunity to submit an affidavit setting forth the basis for any contention that the materials sought are not subject to seizure.

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Fate of the Detroit Dailies

By Joel Thurtell

Managers of the Detroit News and Detroit Free Press tomorrow morning, December 16, 2008, will reveal to union leaders and their employees the scope of a new “business plan” which may convert the two old dailies into something like twice- or  thrice-a-week newspapers.

The bosses will meet with union leaders first, followed by meetings with employees.

Rumors of drastic cost-cutting have been flying. One such unconfirmed report said as many as 300 workers could be laid off in the latest round downsizing.

Whether there’s any truth to the scuttlebutt will be known soon.  

Drop me a line at joelthurtell@gmail.com 

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News does Matty

By Joel Thurtell

At least when people say the Detroit dailies have ignored the story of Manuel “Matty” Moroun, the Detroit News can claim it’s taken a step towards thorough reporting on a major Michigan figure with today’s News profile of Matty.

 Lots of interesting facts.

Anecdotes galore.

Fascinating account of how Matty built a trucking empire, using the Ambassador Bridge as a linchpin to cut his own costs and charge other truckers to cross between Canada and the U.S.

Writer Charlie LeDuff revealed that Matty badly needs to own Detroit’s Riverside Park so he can enlarge his span.

But the story went lightly, lightly on the current legal stand-off between Matty and  the city. Detroit attorneys are now suing to evict Matty from Riverside Park.

No mention of the public boat launch at the park, now padlocked by Matty.

No mention either of the bomb under the bridge.

I’m referring to 300,000 gallons of gasoline and diesel fuel Matty stores directly under the bridge to stock his Ammex duty-free store and gas station.

Kind of an odd way to ensure security, given his security guards, aka shotgun-totin’ goons, kick people – including yours truly — out of the public park.

Wish there’d been some mention of Matty’s refusal to let state inspectors look at the bridge, or to allow state troopers to inspect trucks on the bridge.

 My favorite Matty article is still the November 15, 2004 Forbes piece by Stephane Fitch and Joann Muller, “The Troll Under the Bridge.”

Am I picking nits?

Let’s hope this is the beginning of an aggressive run at reporting on a complex man whose empire is so critical to Detroit and Windsor.

Maybe the News will prod its sister daily, the Detroit Free Press, to weigh in with an even more thorough, even deeper, look at what makes Matty tick.

Drop me a line at joelthurtell(at)gmail.com  

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Off guard and then some

By Joel Thurtell

If somebody offered me a fifth of my favorite single-malt Scotch, I’d take it.

But I hope I never have to take the fifth the way ace Detroit Free Press reporter David Ashenfelter took it on December 8, 2008.

Ashenfelter invoked the Fifth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution during his deposition in Ann Arbor by an attorney for former assistant U.S. attorney Richard Convertino. Ashenfelter also called on the First Amendment to protect him from having to name the federal prosecutors who leaked confidential information to him for a story he wrote and the Free Press published on January 17, 2004 about Convertino.

Now I hear people puzzling about why a reporter used the Fifth when it’s customary for journalists in this situation to call on the Constitution’s First Amendment free speech and free press guarantee.

The answer is straightforward, though you won’t read it in the Free Press: This case is not about freedom of the press at all. It’s about whether a reporter — any more than other citizens — has the right to withhold information about possible criminal activity.

You would not understand that from reading the top of the December 9, 2008 Free Press story, though:

For 50 minutes through scores of questions, Detroit Free Press reporter David Ashenfelter declined under oath Monday afternoon to reveal confidential sources in a legal standoff that pits journalistic principles against the obligation to testify under court order.

Convertino is suing the U.S. Justice Department, claiming his former bosses violated the federal privacy act by leaking harmful information about him shortly before they indicted him on criminal charges of obstructing justice in a case he prosecuted. He thinks the Justice Department higher-ups wanted to damage his reputation and bias potential jurors. But a jury eventually acquitted him.

Convertino has claimed the feds were out to get him in retaliation because he’d criticized the Justice Department for failing to provide him with adequate support in a high-profile case he prosecuted against two supposed wannabe terrorists whose convictions later were overturned.

His whistle-blower case is a civil suit seeking monetary damages from the government. To proceed, though, he needs the names of the Justice Department officials who gave Ashenfelter the information for the Free Press story that preceded the government’s indictment and later trial of Convertino.

An internal Justice Department investigation of the leak turned up the names of some 30 employees who could have talked to Ashenfelter. All of the potential perps have signed statements denying they were the newspaper’s source. Why the government wouldn’t pursue the matter further, perhaps requiring the suspects to submit to polygraph tests, I don’t know. But Convertino is seemingly left with only one other source — the reporter.

As I pointed out in my December 8, 2008 column, Ashenfelter likely is not the only one at the Free Press who knows the names of his sources for the Convertino story. According to the Free Press ethics policy of the time, reporters could not unilaterally grant anonymity to sources. They needed editors’ permission. There were others at the Free Press in 2004 who should have known who the sources were, if they were behaving responsibly and according to their own operating rules. And though in the meantime the Free Press has changed ownership, I suspect there are editors today, too, who know the names of Ashenfelter’s sources.

Why doesn’t Convertino subpoena Dave’s bosses?

Let editors take the fifth.

Hey, maybe they could take Dave’s place in jail, if that’s what the judge orders and the bosses, like Dave, refuse to talk.

But there is a profound irony in the First Amendment aspect of this case, given that Ashenfelter is invoking a constitutional right that Free Press higher-ups have claimed he doesn’t have.

I learned this back in 2007, when The Newspaper Guild grieved the discipline I received for donating $500 to the Michigan Democratic Party in 2004. I’d violated no Free Press ethics policy, nor had I broken the “professional integrity” rule in the Free Press-Guild contract. But Free Press bosses — who themselves made political contributions — decided what I did was a no-no and prohibited it in future. During my case, which the Guild won for me earlier this year in arbitration, the Free Press argued that employees of private companies like the Free Press don’t have First Amendment rights.

I’ll say it again: Official Free Press policy holds that reporters, photographers and indeed ALL Free Press employees lack the fundamental right of free speech.

What a spectacle: The bosses send a reporter to enforce a First Amendment right they claim he doesn’t have!

Ain’t that cute?

But here’s the nut of the story, which the Free Press has studiously avoided: According to U.S. District Judge Robert Cleland, the behavior of those Justice Department employees who leaked to Ashenfelter may have been criminal and they might be prosecuted. What’s more, if those who leaked to the newspaper lied in their signed denials, that is perjury, also a criminal matter.

Here’s what Judge Cleland wrote in the August 28, 2008 ruling that ordered Ashenfelter to testify:

The biggest factor counseling against disclosure is harm to Ashenfelter’s First Amendment interests. Virtually every case in which a court compels a reporter to disclose a confidential source implicates at least some risk, direct or otherwise, that news gathering activities protected by the First Amendment may be hindered…However, this generalized danger is minimized in this case, as the anonymous DOJ officials may well have violated federal law by communicating with Ashenfelter as to these matters. If the informants indeed violated the Privacy Act as Convertino alleges, potential sources of further similar violations should be deterred from interactions of this kind with representatives of the press. This is not an instance where the reporter’s informant reveals hitherto unknown dangerous or illegal activities that, being unlikely otherwise to come to light, result in reporting that is obviously more weighty in a court’s calculation of First Amendment safeguards. Rather, this situation is more akin to a reporter’s observation of criminal conduct, from which the Supreme Court has explicitly stripped constitutional protection: “we cannot seriously entertain the notion that the First Amendment protects a newsman’s agreement to conceal the criminal conduct of his source, or evidence thereof, on the theory that it is better to write about crime that to do something about it.”

For similar reasons, any reliance Ashenfelter placed on the Michigan reporters’ privilege is misplaced. A reporter should not be allowed to use a state law to shield himself from disclosing his sources when the communication sought to be protected is a violation of federal law. Such reliance should not be encouraged by the court. Thus, the burden on Ashenfelter’s First Amendment interests is minimal and the damage to his reliance on the Michigan shield law inconsequential.

In other words, if I were witness to a crime, could I invoke the free speech amendment to prevent giving evidence against a suspected criminal? Where would be the justice in that?

Why protect people who may be criminals? Why not just turn over the names and be done with it? Why all the First Amendment grandstanding when the newspaper is in fact behaving as a shield to potential criminals?

Earlier, I suggested it might be self-delusion or maybe industry-wide delusion. This case, badly distorted with biased reporting, fits into a wider media agenda aimed at persuading politicians to enact a federal law to shield reporters from giving testimony.

A reader emailed a darker suspicion. It may seem far-fetched, but here it is:

What if somehow Convertino got, through Ashenfelter or his editors, the names of the leakers? What if those people were criminally charged?

I admit, it’s very unlikely. But there’s a new administration coming in, a new Attorney General. Stranger things have happened.

Now, what if the newspaper’s publication of the leaked material were construed as — gasp! — conspiracy to further a crime? In other words, prosecutors might claim a newspaper was aware it was letting Justice Department officials use the paper as a tool to harm a person’s reputation and weaken a person’s public image before trial. After all, without Free Press publication, the leak would likely not have become known.

What if, again in theory, the feds who were charged, or others who might be subpoenaed, gave evidence at trial showing that a newspaper routinely conspired to publish illicitly-divulged information, knowing publication would damage people’s reputations before indictment, making it harder to find jurors who would be impartial? Why, maybe there was even a quid pro quo in which the newspaper published ill-gotten info in return for other hot but illicit tips — the scoops that make reporters’ careers and sell papers. Hey, remember all those Free Press stories last summer about the feds probing Detroit City Council members for corruption? How’d the paper get those tips? How’d they get the Kwame Kilpatrick text messages, legally off limits to the public?

What if the evidence began pointing not to just one newspaper, but to several media outlets like radio, TV, maybe even Internet — that receive improperly-released information? What if it turned out that news organizations all over the country were playing this pernicious game of trashing people in return for selling papers and winning journalism awards?

In the highly improbable event that a criminal prosecution would spread through a newsroom or go viral in a multi-media fashion, the Fifth Amendment would sure be an appropriate shield against journalists’ self-incrimination.

Drop me a line at joelthurtell(at)gmail.com.

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Detroit dailies not so daily

 

By Joel Thurtell

For months, I’ve been reporting that the Detroit Free Press was planning to drop daily print publication and go to twice or thrice a week delivery, with the remaining four or five days of news plopped onto that virtual driveway known as the Internet.

Last time I reported a version of this inside-the-temple news, on November 30, 2008, I got a denial from a Free Press spokesman, er, I mean star reporter.

Wrote Mike Elrick: “Joel, we’ve been told that the new plan does not eliminate daily publication of the paper. Have you considered that this offer is geared to readers who want the papers that come with all the inserts without the other 5 days’ worth of papers?”

No, I had not considered that possibility.

Good thing, too.

Appears it was baloney.

Smoke screen.

His denial seemed like déjà vu all over again.

I’d heard denials from Free Press management earlier this year  when I reported the bosses planned to scrap the popular-with-readers (though not with editors) weekly Community Free Press sections.

Anybody seen a CFP lately?

Oh, managers waited till August to knife the Sunday editions. But kill them they did.

Detroit Media Partnership, a euphemism for the Gannett-controlled monopoly that runs the News and Free Press, didn’t wait months to slice daily home delivery of the two papers following my unofficial announcement.

The bad news thudded onto driveways in the December 12, 2008 Wall Street Journal:

Headline: “Detroit Dailies to Curtail Home Delivery.”

Journal writer Russell Adams wrote, “The publisher of the Detroit Free Press, the country’s 20th largest paper by weekday circulation, is expected to announce next week that it will cease home delivery of the print edition of the newspaper on most days of the week, according to a person familiar with the company’s thinking.”

Will there be more denials? 

Drop me a line at joelthurtell(at)gmail.com

   

Posted in censorship, future of newspapers, Joel's J School | Tagged , , , , , , , | 1 Comment

Freep home delivery: Adios!

First, you read it in JOTR, on November 30. Detroit dailies to drop daily delivery.Today, December 12, 2008, you read it in the Wall Street Journal:  “Detroit Dailies to Curtail Home Delivery.”  

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