Hors d’ouvre — oops, au revoir, Queen Caroline

Dear Diary,

It’s been, you know, a week now since I sort of pulled my, like, name out of the, you know, ring.

All those dumbo journalist types have sort of like tried to figure out like why did I do it?

Why did I like make such a you know hoopla about wanting to sort of be anointed to the, like, Senate, and then like withdraw at the last, you know, minute?

Wouldn’t they, you know, like to know?

What business is it of theirs, sort of?

Can you like believe The New Yorker printed, like, page after page about yours truly with all sorts of rubbish about me, but never once said why I like bolted?

Tax problem? Nannygate?

Oh, dear diary, they’ll say, you know, that I was tipped that like Uncle Dave Paterson wouldn’t pick, you know, me, and to like save face I said “forget, like, it!”

Ha-ha! Let them, sort of think what they like, like.

I had my reason, dear diary, you know, oh yes!

But those vile  reporters, you know, they’ll never like figure me out.

They are such New Yorkers, such narrow-minded, like parochial nincompoops.

Why, can’t they, like, imagine that maybe what happened sort of you know happened outside of like New York?

Like in faraway Michigan, where I like had to get a map to find the place, like Detroit?

Yes, dear diary, it was that, you know, goldarned blogger, that JOTR character, like. you know, joelontheroad.com

Whoever that, like, writer is, he or she you know, nailed me, like, cold.

I woke up, like, and I like asked myself, could I you know stand a six-year term like in the United States, you know, Senate with that JOTR character writing my diary sort of for me?

Every, like, day?

Maybe now that I’ve pulled my like name out of the, you know, hat, that JOTR person will quit like writing his annoying fake, you know, diary.

Maybe I’ll start, you know, writing it for him, like!

Drop me a line at joelthurtell(at)gmail.com

Posted in Caroline Kennedy's Diary, Queen Caroline's Diary | Tagged , | Leave a comment

Screwed by Gannett, again and again

By Joel Thurtell

You’d think the owner of the Detroit News and Free Press would want to snuggle up to the public.

You know, in hopes paying readers won’t junk them when they dump most home delivery in March.

Somehow, Gannett needs to persuade people that dropping home delivery and charging for Internet news is not a collossal screw job.

Yet instead of making nice, the McLean, Va.-based newspaper chain, the nation’s largest, has found a way to stick its finger in everyone’s eye.

A little history:

The merger of the Free Press and News in 1989 into a monopoly euphemistically known as a “Joint Operating Agreement” was the biggest boondoggle in the history of newspapers in Michigan. Lots of workers got axed while the Detroit papers, each in the top ten for circulation in the U.S. in the early 1980s, sunk to mediocre size. Nice going, gannett.

Then in 1995, wouldn’t you know, Gannett found another way to piss off readers. It provoked the longest newspaper strike in U.S. history.

A couple weeks ago, I interviewed someone who stopped his Free Press on July 13, 1995, the first day of the strike. He hasn’t read the paper since. Guess what, Gannetoids — there are thousands and thousands of people in metro Detroit who, like my friend, view the dailies as something more repulsive than swine swill.

Gannett need not worry about those people. They are so thoroughly alienated they’ll never take the papers, even for free.

But others have come back reluctantly to read the dailies while holding their collective noses.

Still others subscribe, but complain about poor quality. People are not stupid, contrary to the Gannett worldview. They know cut corners when they see them.

What are they going to think when they find out that once again Gannett is stiffing its workers?

That’s right. On January 19, production workers at both papers were scheduled to get a 2 percent cost of living raise, according to their contracts. Didn’t happen. Gannett told them to whistle for the pay they’re owed by law.

Yep, the biggest chain in the country thumbed its corporate nose at members of four Detroit newspaper unions, reneging on a raise promised to printers, mailers, typesetters and janitors.

The company, in effect, claims there’s a different law for them.

We’ll see. The unions have filed grievances and have demanded to see the company’s books.

Gannett’s win-loss record in arbitrations is pretty bad.

The company wants to begin bargaining concessions from the unions on Monday. Turns out, by stiffing the workers on their raise, they’ve unilaterally imposed a big concession already.

Not to mention the coercion contained in Gannett’s threat to lay off 111 workers if the unions don’t knuckle their forelocks and cave to demands from McLean.

Blackmail, anybody?

It’s not a story you’re gonna read in the two Detroit dailies, soon to be threelies and twolies as both papers cut back to three days of home delivery for the Free Press and two days delivered for the News.

It’s the kind of news that might just prompt a few pro-worker people to cancel their subscriptions.

Gannett knows that, so they don’t report it.

Think about that the next time you see newspapers claiming they’re bastions of democracy.

Once again, I’m astonished: Stiffing their workers — what can they be thinking?

Here, in case the newspapers forget to run with it, is a notice sent by Local 18 of the Detroit Typographical Union, Local 13-N of Graphic Communications International Union, Teamsters Local 372 (mailers) and The Newspaper Guild Local 34022 (janitors). Editorial workers covered by the Guild contract were not scheduled for a raise.

METROPOLITAN COUNCIL OF NEWSPAPER UNIONS

BARGAINING BULLETIN Jan. 16, 2009

BARGAINING BEGINS ON DMP’S PLAN FOR PRODUCTION CHANGES AND LAYOFFS;
COMPANY ANNOUNCES WAGE FREEZE

Newspaper Unions had their first bargaining session Wednesday with the Detroit Media Partnership (DMP) regarding DMP’s plan to convert to three-day per week home delivery and electronic editions of the newspapers, starting March 30.
? The Company informed the Unions that the plan would involve approximately 111 layoffs among employees represented by the Teamsters, Pressmen, Newspaper Guild and Typographical Union.
? The Company said in addition to staff reductions, it also needed a wage freeze, due to the extremely poor economic climate and its severe impact on DMP.
? The Company intends to implement the wage freeze immediately, while the Company and Unions bargain over the wage freeze and the impact of the new business plan.
? The Company said there may be more layoffs or other changes, depending on the outcome of negotiations.

The wage freeze would affect wage increases due to take effect on January 19 under the Unions’ collective bargaining agreements.

As a result, the Unions took several actions.
? We informed DMP that the Unions will file grievances over the wage freeze.
? We requested information on the financial condition of DMP and the need for a wage freeze.
? We said we wanted to bargain over the impact of the changes in the business plan and the impact of the layoffs, including ways to cushion the impact.
? We informed the Company that our members would vote on any wage freeze, any Company proposals to modify the collective bargaining agreements, and any tentative agreements reached in bargaining.

In response to the Unions’ request for information, the Company produced certain financial data. Union representatives reviewed the information and asked questions.

The Company and Unions have scheduled bargaining sessions for February 2, 3, 12 and 13. On February 2, the Unions will present their proposals in response to the Company’s announced plans.

We will keep you advised of developments. When bargaining is concluded on the impact of the Company’s plan, we will have Union meetings to discuss and vote on issues affecting the members.

In Solidarity,

Ron Renaud John Peralta Sam Maci Lou Mleczko Tom Grenfell
Sec-Treas. Business Rep. President President President
Local 372 Mailers/372 Local 13-N Local 34022 Local 18

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Matty to buy Riverside Park?

By Joel Thurtell

Is the City of Detroit trying to sell Riverside Park to Matty Moroun?

There’s a hint in that direction in a Monday, January 26, 2008 Detroit News article about the city’s dire financial straits. City officials are thinking of closing parks to cut maintenance costs, and they may also sell city assets.

According to the News, the park is an asset that may be on the seller’s block.

“There is also Riverside Park at the foot of the Ambassador Bridge,” according to the News. “Bridge owner Matty Maroun has said he is interested in acquiring the site, which would give him the land he needs to complete a twin span.”

(Turns out I have something in common with billionaire Matty: The News can’t spell either of our names right.)

Gregg Ward, owner of the Detroit-Windsor Truck Ferry and nemesis to trucking tycoon and Ambassador Bridge owner Moroun, sent the News article to me.

I shot an email back to Ward wondering how seriously the city might be considering a sale of this gem of a park on the Detroit River, with its magnificent view of Windsor.

Ward emailed back: “I have heard from a few folks that the negotiation for Moroun to buy the park is very advanced. Geez!”

Well, that doesn’t mean it’s happening. All it means is that people are TALKING about it happening.

I’ve got an idea: Let’s talk about it NOT happening!

I sent an email to Daniel Cherrin, press secretary  to Mayor Kenneth Cockrel:

“What are the chances Riverside Park will be sold, perhaps to Matty Moroun?” I wrote, adding, “How firm is the city’s commitment to re-open the Riverside Boat Launch this spring?”

Hoping for an answer soon that says the city will not sell Riverside Park to Matty Moroun or anyone else, at any price, and that despite doomsday financial talk, the boat launch will re-open this spring.

Stay tuned.

Drop me a line at joelthurtell(at)gmail.com

Posted in Me & Matty | Tagged , , , , | 3 Comments

Off guard: Prosecution by newspaper

By Joel Thurtell

Motives are important, even in the newspaper business.

And in newspapers, business is a prime motive, though often unspoken.

There’s that glass wall between business and editorial, right? Advertising people don’t talk to editors and vice versa. Reporting goes along untrammeled by thoughts of something as prosaic as the bottom line.

In other words, selling newspapers has nothing to do with the gathering and dissemination of news.

Right.

Let’s see — what other malarkey can I trundle out?

Selling papers is what it’s all about, of course. No reporter, no editor is unaware of how well or how poorly a particular story helps spike newsstand sales.

Was Ben Bradlee ignorant of those bottom line figures when he spearheaded the Washington Post coverage now known as “Watergate”?

For a generation, journalists and the public have learned the Post’s orthodox version  of how two enterprising young reporters, Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein, intrepidly investigated the break-in at the Democratic offices in the Watergate complex in August 1972 and how the pair, led by Bradlee, relentlessly pursued criminal wrongdoing right into the White House.

But there is another version, discussed by George Friedman in stratfor.com on December 22, 2008. It’s a view with similarities to a case here in Detroit involving the Detroit Free Press and its anonymous Justice Department sources in the case of former federal prosecutor Richard Convertino.

In this alternative view of Watergate, Woodward and Bernstein were a pair of ambitious but inexperienced reporters ravening for a hot story. That story was leaked to them by Mark Felt, aka “Deep Throat,” the number two man at the FBI who had an ax to grind against President Richard Nixon and who was effectively in control of the FBI.

According to this interpretation of the Post’s Watergate coverage, the newspaper did not so much investigate as serve as a pipeline between a less-than-altruistically-motivated FBI honcho and the public whose opinion he wanted to influence. Felt could have sent his findings to Congress or the Justice Department, but instead he gave them to the Post. Some might argue that Congress in the early days after the Watergate break-in would not have responded and needed the jolt provided by news coverage. No doubt about it, though, the act of leaking left Felt in control of the flow of information. He could give the Post what served his purposes and suppress whatever did not. And the Post could then in its own arbitrary fashion weed out what pieces of the story did not serve its own purposes. 

We who had no control and no knowledge — until recently — of this game of quid pro quo in the so-called marketplace of ideas must ask ourselves whether Felt’s behavior and that of his newspaper vassals comports with our idea of how an open democracy should work. Due process under law — guaranteeing everyone a fair trial —  is a vital part of the U.S. Constitution, as important if not more so than the First Amendment upholding free speech.

In the Free Press-Convertino case, it appears that Justice Department officials decided to smear Richard Convertino, once an ace assistant U.S. attorney in the Detroit office but by early 2004 a man seen as a betrayer of his bosses for having spoken critically about them before Congress. Planting a damaging story in the Free Press shortly before bringing indictments would, so the Justice Department honchos may have hoped, tarnish Convertino’s reputation enough that it would be easy to persuade a jury to convict him.

Bad news for the Justice Department folk trying to orchestrate Convertino’s ruin: A jury acquitted Convertino. That caused a big problem both for the Justice Department and for the Free Press, where star reporter David Ashenfelter has been ordered by U.S. District Judge Robert Cleland to reveal his DOJ sources to Convertino. Convertino is suing the government for violating the federal Privacy Act, but according to Judge Cleland’s August 28, 2008 ruling, some DOJ people may have broken the law by giving confidential information to the Free Press, and further, wrote Cleland, DOJ people who signed affidavits swearing they were not Free Press sources might face perjury charges if it turns out they in fact were the leakers. According to the judge, by refusing to name names, Ashenfelter is shielding potential criminal activity. The First Amendment provides nobody, including journalists, a shield against being witnesses in criminal cases, the judge wrote.

In the January 22 Detroit Free Press, the paper at last clearly acknowledges that the First Amendment is not the shield it had earlier claimed. The paper finally has explained Ashenfelter’s plight: He must take refuge in the Fifth Amendment’s guarantee of his right not to incriminate himself. Convertino’s lawyers want Judge Cleland to hold the reporter in contempt of court for refusing to name names. Convertino has asked the judge to fine Ashenfelter $5,000 a day until he relents and gives up his sources.

“Citing accusations by Convertino and his supporters that Ashenfelter conspired with federal officials to criminally release private information, Ashenfelter’s lawyers said he has a reasonable fear of being prosecuted for his reporting,” according to the Free Press.

“Ashenfelter’s lawyers contend he did nothing wrong in accurately reporting in Januaray 2004 that Convertino was under invetigation for his handling of a Detroit sleeper-cell case,” the Free Press reported. “The lawyers note, though, that Ashenfelter nevertheless fears prosecution because the Justice Department has prosecuted others for making public what the government contends is confidential records on terrorism probes.”

Nice of the Free Press finally to come clean about this, although I would add that from my reading of Judge Cleland’s ruling, the issue is not confined only to terrorism cases, but covers the disclosure of confidential information relating to federal criminal investigations.

The motive for the source in Watergate was revenge, according to Friedman.

Revenge, or maybe discipline of a noncompliant prosecutor, seems to be the crux of the Convertino case. It’s important to remember that Convertino was the whistle-blower, not the leakers.

Felt was no whistle-blower, since he was in charge of the FBI. The Post staffers knew it. But they kept the name of their source — and therewith his vindictive motive — secret. Instead, they fed the public the line of idealism — the newspaper as public servant, revealing the truth about officialdom. 

We’ve been hearing the same sack of tripe from the Free Press. If the Free Press were truly a public servant, I should be able to file a Freedom of Information Act request with them, asking that they provide the names of their sources. Oh yes, how about giving us the sources for those text messages that landed former Detroit Mayor Kwame Kilpatrick in a jail cell? How about letting readers know ALL the facts so they can judge whether the beginning of that monumental work of journalism had, perhaps, its own seamy side.

We have to ask ourselves when anonymous prosecutorial sources are used, whether the newspaper is really a public servant. Or were the newspapers willing stooges and accomplices in a calculus of character assassination?

Refusal to provide full transparency by withholding sources’ names and the manner in which leaked information was obtained make the newspapers’ claims of public service absurd.

Newspapers can be depended on to make the claim, but in order to make this line credible, the papers have to censor themselves. They hold back the vital facts that would allow readers to judge from complete information. Thus, we didn’t learn the name of Deep Throat until decades after Watergate. Decades after the information could have helped us understand the real motivations in the case.

We won’t learn the names of the Free Press Convertino sources, either, unless the judge hits Ashenfelter with jail time, heavy fines or both. And by the way, unless the judge orders Ashenfelter to pay the fines out of his personal bank account, the cost may simply be covered by the Free Press and have no coercive effect.

Another by-the-way: The Free Press refers to “Ashenfelter’s lawyers.” I don’t believe that. Unless the reporter is paying the lawyer’s fees from his personal funds, the attorneys are working for the newspaper. That is a fact that reporters rarely understand. If the newspaper’s interests diverge from those of the reporter, it will become evident who the attorneys are working for. I would advise Dave Ashenfelter to seek a second opinion.

That “Ashenfelter’s lawyer” boilerplate is just one of many ways newspapers deceive people into believing they are benevolent institutions working for the public welfare. Newspapers scream for full disclosure from public servants, yet they themselves hide those parts of the truth that may reveal the less-than-idealistic motives for their cover-up. They are, or would like to be, money-making organizations. That is Fact Number One about newspapers.

Watergate and now Convertino are huge arguments against the use of anonymous sources, but newspapers are so intent on hearing their own back-patting and self-congratulation, via self-serving trumpeting in articles whose content they control and through the journalism awards system, that they rarely hear and less frequently discuss this downside.

Hard to write that letter in support of a public service Pulitzer if your source is a vengeful destroyer of character and you the journalist aid and abet him.

Newspapers can be powerful locomotives for exposing corruption, a role that few other institutions in society are equipped to play. But their power to expose — when used carelessly, thoughtlessly — can be its own form of corruption.

Who elected editors and reporters to be watchdogs?

At its best, it is a noble undertaking. In reality, though, few newspapers are willing regularly or even sporadically to take on this role. And what’s more, they too often are unwilling to invest the time a thorough investigation — without recourse to anonymous sources — would require. More often, they let themselves be spoon-fed by authorities hiding behind the supposed need for anonymity. Beat reporters who operate this way ensure their paper will receive its share of scoops — the kind of stories that make a big splash, sell newspapers, garner awards, boosting careers and salaries.

In a broad, blunderbuss sense, the behavior of prosecutors and news media resembles — in a very non-specific way — jury-tampering.

What is the remedy? Well, there are ways to put an end to trial-by-newspaper. It happened in Great Britain in the 19th century when the press got out of hand in reporting, not necessarily accurately, the details of sensational crimes.

Justice was being denied to criminal defendants. The solution for the Brits was to declare criminal proceedings “sub judice,” a Latin term meaning they’re “under judgment” and reporting on them is forbidden. Not only forbidden, but subject to criminal sanction against anyone — sources, reporters, lawyers, newspapers — who violates the law.

Can you imagine the screams of self-righteous indignation, the howls of First Amendment-inspired outrage, as newspapers geared up their massive propaganda apparatus to shout down the idea of introducing sub judice into the United States?

There is an alternative: Stop buying their rags.

By the looks of it, the public rejection has been happening for decades as newspaper circulation has slipped steadily, forcing layoffs, buyouts, cutbacks and quality reductions that inspire further rejection by readers and further cutbacks in quality in a downward spiral seeming to point to one fate for newsprint operations — extinction.

Newspapers in America are struggling. Their future is uncertain. They want people to believe that a nation without strong newspapers will somehow be a less democratic country.

I wonder how truly democratic a country is that exalts a certain kind of business, the news media, and that assigns that for-profit industry a vigilante status to try people in ink or over the air before anyone is charged, let alone a jury empanelled.

If we suddenly find ourselves one morning without newspapers, this scummy face of the business will be no loss.

Drop me a line at joelthurtell(at)gmail.com

Posted in Bad government, censorship, future of newspapers, Joel's J School, Kwamegate, Subpoenaed reporters | Tagged , , , , , , , , , | 3 Comments

Going Postal — My First FOIA

By Joel Thurtell

Sixteen minutes past seven. In the evening.

Mail’s still not here.

Our neighbors are disgruntled at being on the tail end of this motorized postal route. By two minutes after eight, it had arrived. I think I know what happened: Monday — yesterday — was a holiday. The preceding Saturday, there was hardly any mail — two pieces of bulk stuff. In the Paw Paw, Michigan, post office, where I used to work, they called it “bunk” mail. Pain in the butt, but had to be put up.

Okay, mail was light Saturday because either a clerk or a sub cased it. First-class mail sat in boxes on the floor. I know this scene well. Then on Monday, no mail was cased, but mail came in. Thus, by Tuesday, the regular carrier, back at work after a pretend holiday, had three days’ worth of mail to case. She got a late start and didn’t finish delivering mail till well after eight at night. By that time, my neighbors had called to complain. The carrier probably got chewed out. What the neighbors don’t understand is that it’s the system, not the letter carrier, that is screwed up.

The scenario reminds me of my first Freedom of Information request.

In more than 30 years of news reporting, I’ve made many, many requests for information, but my first FOIA had nothing to do with journalism.

And it got me fired.

I think of this period of my life from time to time when I talk to U.S. postal workers. I understand why it is that our mail sometimes comes late. Most people have no idea what a tough job it is to be a letter carrier, especially a rural letter carrier. If somebody sets a little jar with some coins and a scrawled note in their mailbox, you have to count out some stamps, make change and a note of it even if it’s 10 degrees below with snow drifting around your car. That’s the job I had for a short time in 1976 until Postmaster Richard Bangs of the Paw Paw, Michigan post office read my FOIA request, lifted his phone, dialed my number and ended my career as a letter carrier.

It was a short career, and yet it was way too long. I’ve had some crummy jobs, but the absolutely worst job I ever had was working for the U.S. Postal Service.

At the time, I was in journalism. But my Freedom of Information Act request had nothing to do with my job as a reporter for WMUK-FM, Western Michigan University’s 50,000-watt National Public Radio affiliate in Kalamazoo. If I was a radio reporter, you might wonder, why was I working in a post office? Well, because I was an UNPAID, or “volunteer”, radio reporter. You would not have known it had you tuned to 102.1 megahertz on your FM radio dial and heard my voice reporting on city council meetings or narrating feature reports, but I received no salary for my work at WMUK. I was told there was no budget for a reporter, but the editor trained me to edit my tape recordings, the engineers helped me voice my reports and the general idea was that I’d wind up with skills and recommendations that would get me a paying job in radio.

Fair enough, I thought. But those were hard times. Late in 1974, I’d come back from Africa and building a school and a well as a Peace Corps volunteer to find a recession that rivals the one we’re in now in 2009 for joblessness. My academic degrees were liabilities on job apps. Living on a friend’s fruit farm, my wife and I trimmed grapevines at 13 cents a vine through the winter of 1975, so when I heard the post office was in need of letter carriers, I took the postal service test, passed it, took the federal driving test and got my federal driver’s license. I was good to go. So I thought.

Postmaster Bangs offered to let me “learn” Rural Route Number One by coming in on my own time to sort (the post office term is “case”) mail. More volunteer work. That didn’t make me happy. But he promised to assign more work as I got to know the job. I believed him.

I’ll never forget the moment when Dick Bangs showed me the case for Route One. It was a monument to slovenly work habits and slipshod management. There were 10 large boxes full of mail that had not been delivered over a period of weeks. The “carrier of record” was out with surgery. His backup had run the route until she had an accident. All that unsorted mail had to be cased. (The case, by the way, consists of ranks and rows of pigeonholes that correspond in order with the addresses on the route. Ideally, each pigeon hole has a label with the postal patron’s name and address.) While all this backlog had to be cased, I would have to do it on my own time, because the post office could not legally pay me, I was told.

The case was a nightmare. I quote from the affidavit I later wrote in hopes the post office would pay me for all my off-the-clock hours working with that case. “The day I was hired, Supervisor Jean Perry showed me the case, pointing out that it was in bad shape. Many names were illegible, others were misspelled, and others were not on the case at all. The book containing names of persons on the route was in similar shape, but both the case and the book, Perry assured me, would soon be brought up to date.”

A clerk named Frank Johnson was assigned to help me, because the managers realized that there were going to be some difficulties getting the mail delivered. Speaking of deliveries, Postmaster Bangs handed me another surprise when he told me I’d have to drive my own car. This was not good news. At the time, my car was a light blue 1965 Plymouth Valiant, a small car not meant for the work the post office assigned us on Saturday, January 3, 1976.

Paw Paw is in western Michigan’s fruit belt and its climate is great for orchards. Lots of cloudy nights due to lake effect weather from Lake Michigan mean higher overall temperatures, which helps the trees and buds, including those on grapevines, survive the winter. It also means big snow dumps, and on January 3, we had a huge snowfall. I observed Frank Johnson case the mail, strapping it with a leather belt when he’d finished, and also putting in markers to remind himself when he’d reached a house where a package needed to be delivered. Last thing a letter carrier wants is to arrive back at the PO and find a stray package bouncing around the car.

The case is kind of a theoretical model in the post office building that is supposed to reflect in its abstract way the reality of the layout of roads and mailboxes on the actual route. If the Route One case was a monument to sloth, the real world condition of the mailboxes was a ticket to the insane asylum. Rural route customers are supposed to have their names and addresses on their mailboxes, which lined the mostly gravel roads on the route. But the “carrier of record,” now out from surgery, had been even more casual about getting people’s names on the boxes. As we labored my little Plymouth Valiant through snowbanks, getting out to push now and then when it got stuck, Frank would lean out the passenger side with a long snow brush, sweeping snow off mailboxes to see if there was a name. More often than not, the box was blank, or the name didn’t correspond with the current resident.

That day, we started at 6 a.m. with the case, and got back to the post office at 5:30 p.m. It was not supposed to take that long, and Postmaster Bangs was not pleased.

Postmaster Bangs was not happy with his new emergency substitute rural letter carrier. That was clear from the get-go.

Postmaster Bangs told me to come in at 6 a.m. Monday, off the clock, and watch Clarace, another sub, case the mail for Route One. She would run the route, and while she was out, I was to case the backlog. When I went in that Monday, the plan had changed, though I didn’t know it. The carrier of record for Route Four was out sick. Clarace Miller, who was supposed to run Route One, was instead going to run Route Four. Frank and I were to run Route One. But I wasn’t told this right away. According to my affidavit, Frank cased mail while I helped by looking up names on letters in the route book: “Many difficulties because many names not on record,” I wrote. I was working supposedly on my own time when eventually Johnson let me know he and I were going to run the route using my car. That meant, at least, that I would be paid.

There was so much snow that my little Valiant was often stuck on the 65-mile route. I was packing a shovel, and there were two of us. Later, on my own, I found those rural lanes could be lonesome places. There were long stretches with no houses. Still, delivering the mail was less stressful than working in the post office.

The pressure was on me to come in on my own time and case that backlog, supposedly so I’d learn the route. On January 8, I spent eight hours on my own time casing current and backlog mail. On January 12, I put in two hours on my own time, but Supervisor Perry told me I needed to be working longer (unpaid) hours as practice for my forthcoming solo run of the route. If I did well that first time, I’d get to run the route all the following week, for pay.

“You should be putting in more than two hours per day,” Perry told me. “You can’t really learn the case in a couple hours a day. You’ve got to be at it eight hours to really learn it.”

The solo run didn’t happen. Once again, I drove and Frank Johnson brushed snow off boxes and stuffed them with mail.

The stress was awful. I’d never before had a job where I couldn’t work to speed and satisfy my bosses. At the post office, nothing I did was right. Everything about me seemed to buck their conventions. What was a radio reporter doing casing mail in a post office? I was in the Peace Corps? Left-liberal, right? My wife kept her surname when we got married? Very suspicious. How could they know that we were really married?

I could feel my face heat up as I’d take criticism from supervisors about my alleged slow casing of mail. On my own time! But they would interrupt often. One day, I worked on my own time for an hour and a half casing mail, while several times Supervisor Perry and Postmaster Bangs stopped at the case to talk to me about speeding up. Yes, always on my own time. Two days later, Supervisor Perry said, “Your casing is extremely slow…Dick (Bangs) counted your mail after you left Tuesday and in two hours, you put up less than — pieces. That is poor.” In my affidavit I didn’t recall the number of pieces she cited. But I wrote, “Note that I was not in the post office for two hours,…but only 1 1/2 hours, that I was on my own time, did not know I was being tested, and was interrupted frequently by post office personnel.”

I recall a time when I discovered that while I was casing mail off the clock, Postmaster Bangs was standing to the side, out of sight with a stop watch, counting the pieces of mail as I put them in their slots.

I knew there was a lot wrong with this picture, believe me. But the postmaster and others kept alluding to all the work they’d give me once I learned Route One. Problem was, the case was still a mess, more second and third class mail was landing in those cardboard boxes and I felt like I was on a treadmill. No effort was being made by anyone to get customers to put their names on their mailboxes. And I had to keep driving the route with my old Valiant, a low-slung little car that was not made for busting snowbanks or the mucky ruts that developed during occasional thaws.

Our other car was a Dodge Polara. I forget the year. It was bigger than the Valiant. It was so big, a friend nicknamed it “the squad car,” because it looked like it would make a good police cruiser. The squad car had a more powerful engine, but it had some little quirks that made it less than ideal as a mail car, or for that matter, any kind of car. No matter which auto shop worked on it, nobody could seem to make the car stay running as you slowed down to go through an intersection. You’d approach a turn, and as you let up on the gas, the engine would kill. A real pain in the ass. And then the transmission gave up the ghost. On advice of a friend, we took the squad car, a Dodge, to the Ford dealer in Paw Paw, who said he’d be glad to fix the trans. Which they did. Now I decided to try the squad car on Route One.

Those forays with Frank Johnson were very interesting. Frank was a talker. He was a military vet and a member of the American Legion. He was also a Mason. I learned from Frank that there was a network of vets working in the post office, and they liked to help each other. Ditto the Masons. There were Masons working at all levels of the post office, so if you were a Mason working in Paw Paw, say, and you needed or wanted to move to, say, Grand Rapids, why, that was no problem. You just called a Mason in the Grand Rapids Post Office and let him know who you were and what you wanted.

Pretty nice deal. If you were a vet, or if you were a Mason. I was not a vet or a Mason. The Peace Corps? It was regarded as a leftist outfit. I also learned that my score on the post office test had trumped the scores of a couple of American Legion guys, even though they were given an extra five points to increase their chances of being hired. Masons didn’t get extra points, but once in the system, they had advantages.

One of the first things I learned, and learned well because it was told to me by several postal workers, was that those slots high on several walls of the post office were for postal inspectors to secretly look through. They would come in without notice and watch clerks and carriers at work to see if anyone was stealing mail or otherwise breaking the rules. What I didn’t know then was that I was in violation of the law.

We lived in an old farmhouse on Paw Paw Road on Route One. When I put our mail in the box or stopped to leave it on the kitchen table, I knew I was about half done delivering the mail. I’d proceed on, and it was during a stop to put mail in a box near Three Mile Lake that I learned why it’s not such a good idea to have a Ford dealer work on a Chrysler transmission.

Lots of times, people didn’t plow out their mailboxes. There was a lot of snow, and a tall snow bank, and I’d jockeyed the squad car up so I could reach through my passenger window, open the mailbox and shove the letters inside. The grill and bumper of the squad car were less than a foot from a wooden utility pole. As I leaned back inside the car, my foot slipped off the brake and the squad car lurched ahead, hitting the pole. There were two noises. There was the sound of the squad car tunking the pole, because it didn’t hit hard. But there was a second sound that seemed to come from underneath the car. I put the transmission into reverse and hit the gas, planning to back away from the pole.

I heard a loud rattling sound from under the squad car. I put it in park, got out, leaned down and peered under the car. Have you ever seen a car’s drive shaft? The Polara was a rear-wheel drive car, and the shaft connected the transmission at the rear of the engine with the universal joint at the rear axle. Except this drive shaft was no longer connected to the U-joint. It was lying on the ground.

In those days, there were no cell phones. I found a house where the owner let me use the phone. I called the Ford dealer. They sent a truck out to tow the squad car, with its load of still-undelivered mail, back to the repair shop in Paw Paw. Turned out, they’d connected the shaft to the U-joint with Ford parts. Apparently, that doesn’t work so well. The dealer let me have a loaner car. I put the mail in the back seat and headed back to Three Mile Lake to finish delivering the route.

I don’t know if Postmaster Bangs noticed I was a bit late getting back to the post office that day. But it hardly mattered in the scope of my career as a letter carrier. The bosses’ main thing was getting all those boxes of unsorted mail to customers at no cost to their budget. I’d be working on my own time, and Bangs would say, “Got all your first class up?” I was the mark in that little scam. I knew what was going on. But they held out promises of work, once I learned the route. I don’t remember how much the post office paid, but it was better than 13 cents a grapevine.

So, day after day, I worked on the backlog and finally, on January 27, 1976, I finished it. The bosses had promised to put me on full-time once I’d finished the backlog, but now they told me I’d get half-time work. They were giving the other days to Clarace, a longtime sub. Next thing I knew, though, they were giving all but two days to Clarace. Now that the backlog was finished, they’d apparently had second thoughts about employing me even halftime.

I believe that tactic is called “bait and switch.”

As an emergency temp, I was not eligible to join the Rural Letter Carriers Association. But I called the union rep in Kalamazoo. He listened to my story, then responded, “It’s against the law for you to be in the post office if you’re off the clock.” Not only was I in violation, but Postmaster Bangs and Supervisor Perry were also in violation. Stop working off the clock, he said.

Second thing he told me was to buy a little notebook and start writing down everything anyone told me. If the postmaster stopped to chastise me for being slow or whatever, write it down. I bought a little notebook and kept it in my shirt pocket. And every time Postmaster Bangs or Supervisor Perry spoke to me, I pulled that notebook out and wrote down verbatim what they said and what I said. Later, I would compile my notes into an affidavit to be submitted with a claim for unpaid hours.

Third thing he told me was, file a FOIA for my hours and wages.

By February, I was running Route One solo, but not often. Meanwhile, the harassment (the union guy told me that was the word) kept up. On March 6, 1976, I asked Postmaster Bangs and Supervisor Perry for records of my hours and wages. At the end of the day, they gave me a slip of paper from an adding machine. No dates, no times. Impossible to comprehend what it meant. Another time when I asked for my records, Bangs told me the FOIA didn’t apply to the postal service. Perry told me my records were in Kalamazoo. That they were lying two ways didn’t help me get the records.

On March 11, I sent Postmaster Bangs my FOIA letter.

On March 17, the postmaster called me at home. “We won’t be needing your services any more.”

A few months later, Postmaster Bangs handed me one of the finest compliments of my life. No, it was not the check for back wages he was forced to cut from his local post office budget. By that time, having had the post office refuse my request for records, I’d contacted a freshman congressman named David Stockman, who began asking questions of the Postal Service. I think Stockman’s attention forced the post office to pay up.

What did I learn from this that would serve me as a reporter? I learned that FOIAs don’t always work, that even if you are legally entitled to records, officials may refuse to hand them over. Then what do you do? You have to pursue your course through other means. In this case, since pay was primary and work records were a means of getting the check, once I got my money, the records were irrelevant. As reporters, our stories are in those records. They are prime. Still, if they are denied to us, we need to explore other means of getting them.

I also learned how important it is to take good notes, even of seemingly trivial utterances. Good notes with direct quotes made a difference in my case. The quotations made my claim credible. They turned out to be powerful, because when confronted by higher postal officials and outside authorities with their own words, the officials who were harassing me had to pay up.

I learned that a union would help me, even if I could not be a member.

Oh yes, the postmaster’s compliment?

I was in Dick Bangs’ office in the Paw Paw Post Office months after all this happened. He’d just handed me the check for my back pay. I’d been told that the money came out of his Paw Paw budget.He was worked up, and his anger showed. There was silence. I was getting up to go.

Then he blurted out, “Joel, are you a lawyer?”

Drop me a line at joelthurtell(at)gmail.com

Posted in Bad government, From My Files, Joel's J School | Tagged , , , , , , , | Leave a comment

uptherouge.com goes live

By Joel Thurtell

With the debut of my first book less than three months away, I’ve started a new blog, uptherouge.com

It’s a way to promote Up the Rouge! Paddling Detroit’s Hidden River, the book I co-authored with Detroit Free Press photographer Patricia Beck. The book — described on the new site — will be published in April by Wayne State University Press. It will also be for sale on uptherouge.com, along with an audio book version.

Where joelontheroad.com is a potpourri of ideas and subjects that interest me, uptherouge.com is a specialized place for me to publish my own and others’ research into the condition of the Rouge River, said to be the dirtiest river in the country

Posted in Adventures on the Rouge, Lakes and streams | Tagged , , , | Leave a comment

Caroline’s diary — Training media

When the authors went on book tours, interviewers were instructed not to ask Ms. Kennedy any personal questions or pry into her family affairs.

The New York Times, January 17, 2009, “In Book World, Caroline Kennedy is a Powerhouse”

Oh dear Diary,

Isn’t it like really nice that the Times has finally seen, you know, the light? I mean, they were so hard on me when first they wrote about my anointment — oops — I guess I like should say my application to be anointed U.S. Senator since good old Uncle Dave, the governor, has not yet announced the lucky winner who, of course, will be — you know, me!

But then my friend Maureen put in her two cents and it seems like those thugs at the Times sort of figured out which side their, you know, bread is buttered upon.

Don’t worry, dear Diary, after I’m anointed those churls, you know, will all come to their senses, sort of. Once I have the power to, you know, leak cute little stories about what it’s like, like, inside the Senate, they’ll all come around.

Payola and blackmail, dear Diary, that’s what the media are all about.

If the queen is pleased, she will dole out her, you know, little gratuities.

But if she is displeased, she shall withhold.

Carrot and, like, stick.

Can you believe the New York Daily News actually, like, counting how many times I said, like, “you know” in an interview?

Can you, like, believe they counted to, you know, 200?

That’s like pretty darned obsessive, you know, compulsive if you, like, ask me!

I just think they’re nothing but a bunch of, like, hypocrites, dear Diary. Back in the day, like when I was doing those, you know, book tours and I was this oh-so-sought-after, sort of, celebrity author, you know, we would simply make up our own, like, rules and the rabble never complained. Don’t, like, ask me any personal questions, we told them.

And like good vassals, they obeyed.

I mean, that would seem to apply now when they ask about money things, you know, as in how much do I make and who, like, pays me?

Why have the rules, like, changed?

Why don’t I still, like, get to make them up?

What business is my finances to the rabble — I mean, you know, the public?

Who are they to, you know, make up rules?

The media proposes and, like, Caroline disposes.

Back in the day, you know, reporters sort of agreed not to ask pushy, nosy questions and we sort of paid them off like with a nice bland, you know,interview that helped them sell papers. None of this like high-horse “journalistic purity” stuff.

When I first said I wanted the anointment, for a while it was all meanness and, you know, spite.

But my friend Maureen taught them some manners. Oh yes, dear Diary, she can be oh-so-stern with others. You know, strident, like.

None of that, you know, high dowdgeon stuff when it comes to me, though.

At least she knows, like, class.

Somebody told me, like, to let my hair down and let those media types get to, you know, know me and they’ll like me.

I have a better idea, dear Diary: I’ll keep my hair up, you know.

I won’t let them get to know me.

That way, they’ll, you know, like me even better!

Drop me a line at joelthurtell(at)gmail.com

Posted in Caroline Kennedy's Diary, Queen Caroline's Diary | Tagged , , | 1 Comment

Animal rights — spin, spin, spin

By Joel Thurtell

“Pound release.”

Fightin’ words.

I remember a packed suburban Detroit city council meeting back in 1985 when well over a hundred angry citizens confronted elected officials over the issue of selling animals from the animal shelter for medical research. This topic was no less hot than the plan of another city to limit handgun ownership. The Humane Society and People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals could, well, animate people every bit as well as the National Rifle Association.

There was a fair amount of emotion on the research side, too, vented as frustration with people who seemed not to understand the  importance — the human good — of using animals for research.

Hot issue.

Very complex.

I wished for more substance from the January 14, 2009 Detroit Free Press Page One story with the header, “U-M’s surgical training experiments on dogs blasted,” with a subhead, “Animals used, then killed; faculty defends class.”

Sensational headlines for a story that didn’t even jump inside the paper. Bet the reporter was frustrated. Probably had tons of material for a story that ended abruptly after presenting a brief firefight between animal rights people and some defensive UM folk.

I wrote stories on animal rights vs. experimentation for the February 14, 1985 Free Press. I’m hoping that, despite their almost 24-year-old dateline, they will illuminate the issue.

Articles appear with permission of the Detroit Free Press.

Contents

Introduction

1. POUND NEW BATTLEGROUND IN COMPLEX CONFLICT

2. RESEARCH OR CRUELTY? ANIMALS ALLOW US CHANCE TO SAVE LIFE

3. RESEARCH OR CRUELTY? POUND NOT A PLACE TO FIND GUINEA PIGS

Introduction

Text: Should dog pounds provide unclaimed dogs and cats to scientists for use
in medical research?

Animal welfare groups say the answer is no.

Medical researchers strongly disagree.

Until  recently, Humane Societies have carried on their political campaign
mainly at the level of local government.

Now, Humane Society officials are hoping state lawmakers will introduce and
enact a bill  prohibiting the use of pound animals in experiments.
In this issue, the Free Press:

* Shows how communities in western Wayne and Washtenaw County dispose of
pound animals (this page).

*  Presents  two opposing views — an animal welfare spokeswoman discusses
why she wants a ban on using pound animals for research, and a University of
Michigan Medical School professor explains why he fears such  a measure would
retard medical progress (this page).

* Provides an in-depth examination of how the opposing sides view the issue
(page 3A).

1. POUND NEW BATTLEGROUND IN COMPLEX CONFLICT

Sub-Head:

Byline:  JOEL THURTELL FREE PRESS STAFF WRITER

Pub-Date: 2/14/1985

Memo:  ALSO RAN IN WAYNE WEST AND DOWNRIVER ZONES; SEE RELATED ;  STORIES BY MORRIS, MALIVIN AND THURTELL AND SIDEBAR

Correction:

Text: Richard Malvin stopped abruptly in front of a bulletin board near his
office in the University of Michigan Medical School’s animal research
laboratories, and pointed to a lecture announcement.

” ‘Zinc-copper Interaction and a New Treatment for Wilson’s Disease,’ ” the
U-M physiology professor quoted. “A new treatment — that’s what animal
research does.”

It does more than that, in the  view of David Wills, executive secretary of
the Michigan Humane Society. Wills believes research can cause animals to
suffer pain, and the state Humane Society hopes to force researchers like
Malvin  to quit experimenting on the relatively inexpensive dogs and cats they
get from municipal pounds.

Animal shelters are supposed to assure old or unwanted pets a peaceful
death — not a trip to a researcher’s  lab, agrees Julie Morris, general
manager of the Humane Society of Huron Valley near Ann Arbor.

To medical researchers, Malvin and his laboratory’s sheep personify the
impending battle for control  of research methods.

Traditionally, scientists have designed their own experiments, subject to
review by professional colleagues and inspection by federal and state
agencies.

Now, moderate humane  societies like the Ann Arbor organization are
demanding that they be given a role in overseeing research techniques.

Motives questioned

Malvin questions the motives behind such demands, and says humane societies
are being dishonest when they say they only want to stop researchers from
using pound animals.

Morris claims, however, that the Huron Valley society recognizes the value
of research  and only wants to curb abuses.

The Michigan Humane Society and 10 other animal rights groups — including
three anti-vivisectionist societies — have formed a coalition with the
Michigan Humane Society  and have announced they will try to persuade state
legislators in Lansing to forbid the use of pound animals in research.

Malvin and his colleagues, in turn, claim the humane societies are
sentimentalizing  a complex issue by focusing the debate on pets.

If animal welfarists succeed in forbidding the use of pound animals, they
will promote bills further limiting animal research, Malvin warns.
After  the Massachusetts legislature passed such a law, more restrictive
bills were introduced, said Bennett Cohen, head of the U-M Unit for Laboratory
Animal Medicine.

Wills denied that the state society  wants to ban all animal
experimentation.

In 1980, however, the Michigan Humane Society “News” said “the MHS is
against live animal experimentation, no matter where the animals are taken
from.”

Laboratory animal researchers now are circulating a document they say
reveals welfarists’ true intentions.

These “Notes from the 1984 Annual Conference of the Humane Society of the
United States”  quote advice on tactics by society spokesman John McArdle.

“Never appear to be opposed to animal research,” McArdle is quoted as
saying. “Claim that your concern is only about the source of the animals
used.”

In a later interview, McArdle agreed the quote was accurate, and admitted
the second step in the strategy he recommends is to capitalize on a successful
“pound seizure” campaign by working “to pass laws to address other concerns
dealing with laboratory animals.”

That term — “pound seizure” — irks Cohen, a physiologist and veterinarian
who maintains that “it’s their term.”

The  fact is: Michigan law does not allow scientists to “seize” animals
from local pounds.

Local governments may contract with one of several dealers to have dogs and
cats removed regularly from their  pounds. Dealers sell such animals to
university and hospital laboratories.

“Technically, ‘pound seizure’ is just when a state mandates release,”
admitted Wills. “The public has made that a tag label for everything.”
Malvin argues that it is not the public, but animal welfarists, who have
popularized the term.

For example, the heading of the Huron Valley animal shelter’s official
statement  on the subject uses “pound seizure.”

Emotions run high

The sheep’s low “baaaah” echoes through a corridor of the U-M Medical
Science Building as Malvin leads a Free Press photographer and reporter  on a
tour.

A metal knob atop the sheep’s head controls a needle that has been
surgically implanted in the animal’s brain. By injecting drugs directly into
the its cerebral spinal fluid, Malvin explains,  medical researchers can
induce — and study — high blood pressure in the sheep.

“We’ve made a few discoveries — we showed that a hormone system affects
blood pressure in a way we never thought  of,” he said.

For many, however, the issue is not sheep. It is pets, and the possibility
that they may be used in experimenters’ laboratories.

‘”There’s mice, there’s rabbits, there’s other things  besides household
pets,” one man argued at a Taylor City Council meeting in December.

The council debated and then voted to continue a contract with a Hodgins
Kennels, Inc., a Howell animal dealer  who collects live and dead animals from
the Taylor pound. Hodgins sells some of the live cats and dogs to research
laboratories; others he kills.

It is nearly impossible to discuss the issue of animal rights versus
biomedical research without running into someone’s emotions.

Americans love their pets — especially dogs and cats. But they also love
their standard of living, including the promise of a longer life-span.

“Virtually every major medical advance of the last century has depended
upon research with animals,” says a brochure of the Foundation for Biomedical
Research.

But M.W.  Fox, the national Humane Society’s scientific director, contends
that “since the causes of human diseases are primarily mental, social and
environmental, the use of animals as appropriate models must  be seriously
questioned.”

Scientists could not disagree more.

An abbreviated list of medical achievements made possible through animal
research includes open-heart surgery, development of asthma  medications,
kidney dialysis, cataract removal, hypertension medications, blood
transfusions, antibiotics and immunization against such former killers as
diphtheria, mumps, measles, smallpox and polio.

The statement that polio vaccine resulted from animal experiments bothers
Wills, who argues that polio vaccine was developed on “tissue,” not on
animals.

In response, Malvin repeats that key term:  “Tissue. Tissues come from
animals. Many decades of animal research culminated in a solution that allows
us to make a vaccine. It’s sheer nonsense to pretend polio vaccine could have
been developed without  the use of animals.”

New element in debate

The national Humane Society’s McArdle introduced a new element to the
debate when he proposed that brain-dead humans be used in place of animals in
live  experimentation.

“It’s the appropriate animal, it’s the appropriate size,” said McArdle.

“Now, that’s something that we would be comfortable with, rather than an
animal that can suffer.”

After  a moment of reflection, Morris said she agreed with McArdle that
brain-dead humans would be an alternative, but “there would have to be
informed consent of the person previously, or consent of the family.  Clearly,
without that I would object.”

While Morris agrees that medical science has achieved impressive results,
the means — animal experimentation — needs closer monitoring.

“Nothing in the  current laws applies to rats or mice,” Morris said, and
added, “nothing in current laws protects animals during experimentation.”
Morris is right, says Howard Rush, a U-M veterinarian — there are  no laws
governing experiments on rats or mice.

But there are laws to protect animals during experiments, he said.

Thumbing through pages of the federal Animal Welfare Act, Rush read, “In
the  case of a research facility, the program of adequate veterinary care
shall include the appropriate use of anesthetic, analgesic, or tranquilizing
drugs, when such use would be proper in the opinion of  the attending
veterinarian . . .”

Still, Morris and Wills argue that videotapes stolen from a University of
Pennsylvania laboratory prove scientists failed to anesthetize animals. The
tapes prove  the need for more regulation, Morris said.

Monkeys could be seen moving, which shows they were not given an
anesthetic, she said.

But according to an article by Thomas Gennarelli, chief of the  University
of Pennsylvania head injury study, the animals were given sernalyn, an
anesthetic which “renders the animals incapable of feeling pain, but does not
render them comatose as other anesthetics  do.” Thus, although they were
anesthetized, they could move.

Wills has a copy of the edited tapes. “They even shocked me,” he said.

But Malvin accuses animal welfarists of intentionally drawing a false
conclusion from the tapes.

“They know damned well those animals were anesthetized,” Malvin said.

Caption:

Illustration:  PHOTO AL KAMUDA

Edition: METRO FINAL

Section:  NWS

Page: 3A

Keywords: CONTROVERSY; ANIMAL; RESEARCH; TEST

Disclaimer:

2. RESEARCH OR CRUELTY? ANIMALS ALLOW US CHANCE TO SAVE LIFE

Sub-Head:

Byline:  RICHARD MALVIN; JOEL THURTELL FREE PRESS STAFF WRITER

Pub-Date: 2/14/1985

Memo:  SHORTER VERSION RAN IN WAYNE WEST ZONE;  ;  ALSO RAN IN DOWNRIVER ZONE;  ;  SEE ALSO STORIES  BY MORRIS AND THURTELL AND SIDEBAR

Correction:

Text: Should dog pounds provide unclaimed dogs and cats to scientists for use
in medical research?

Animal welfare groups say the answer is no.

Medical researchers strongly disagree.

Until  recently, Humane Societies have carried on their political campaign
mainly at the level of local government.

Now, Humane Society officials are hoping state lawmakers will introduce and
enact a bill  prohibiting the use of pound animals in experiments.
In this issue, the Free Press:

* Shows how communities in western Wayne and Washtenaw County dispose of
pound animals (this page).

*  Presents  two opposing views — an animal welfare spokeswoman discusses
why she wants a ban on using pound animals for research, and a University of
Michigan Medical School professor explains why he fears such  a measure would
retard medical progress (this page).

* Provides an in-depth examination of how the opposing sides view the issue
(page 3A).

Richard Malvin is a professor at the University of  Michigan Medical
School, where he has conducted research into kidney physiology and
hypertension since 1956. Malvin, who earned a doctorate in physiology at the
University of Cincinnati, is president  of the Michigan Society for Medical
Research and says he believes animal welfare groups like the Humane Society
“are misinforming the public — perhaps not deliberately — about the
humaneness of biomedical  research.” Here are Malvin’s main arguments against
a ban on using pound animals for research, as told to Free Press Staff Writer
Joel Thurtell.

The purpose of almost all so-called animal welfarists  and
anti-vivisectionists is to prevent biomedical research using animals.

That was the tack  they took for 100 years. It was a frivolous attack.
Nobody in the public was going to stand for that,  so they switched it — “No
we’re not really that crazy; we’re just going to stop using pets.”
Pets. Now that has a little more emotional appeal.  Then you can show
beautiful pictures of puppies and  so on.

In Michigan, about 500,000 dogs a year are killed in pounds. About 10,000
animals a year are killed in biomedical research.

To prohibit the use of pound animals  would set back research enormously.
It would make it extremely costly to perform our research, which  would slow
it down and  make life worse for everybody today.

YOU DON’T give any thought to your child getting polio.  My brother died of
it. Now, I can tell you that’s a tragic thing.

Polio . . . doesn’t happen, and measles and whooping cough and tuberculosis
— the TB sanitariums are closed.

Biomedical research  has brought us where we are today …(and it’s) all
due to animal experimentation. How can you deny it?

The list goes on:  Children  who have the most terrible congenital disease,
they’re fixed up  — they live normal lives.

It’s astounding. Every year 120,000 Americans are  saved from premature
death from coronary heart disease by coronary bypass surgery or valve
replacement. The valves are  taken from pigs.

All the dog vaccines and cat vaccines have been developed using animals.
Any time a person brings his or her animal to a veterinarian and receives
treatment or a vaccine that animal  is the beneficiary of animal research.

I had a disc removed, but the fact is that that surgery long ago was worked
out using animals. Surgeons learn by using animals. You can’t do it on a
computer,  you can’t do it on anything else.

Those animals are anesthetized. You give them an anesthetic and they go to
sleep — and they don’t wake up.

THE ALTERNATIVE is that the pound kills the animal.

Many (animal rights people) oppose biomedical research because they are
strict vegetarians. They are morally opposed to the use of animals for any
purpose.

Well, OK, I respect that. It’s a view  I don’t happen to share and I don’t
think society shares.

In addition, while they don’t eat meat, I’m sure their children were
vaccinated against polio and that if they have diabetes, they’re taking
insulin, all of which are products of animal research.

I get phone calls from total strangers telling me they’re upset that I kill
dogs.  They literally threaten to kill me. That’s not humane, regardless  of
what you think about animals.

The claims of the anti-vivisectionists are quite wild, including a lovely
quote from a debate I had with a spokesman for the Humane Society of the
United States who  suggested we use brain-dead humans, rather than animals.

THE FACT is that the  anti-vivisectionists can point to a few cases of
inappropriate use of animals over the last 30 or 40 years. If in just  two
decades they can find a half a dozen cases which they believe are violations
of ethics, that’s phenomenally good.

You mean to tell me that pet owners are that good? No way, no way.
When a  (physiology) researcher submits a paper for publication, it goes to
an editor, and then it goes out to a minimum of two other people for review.

If there is a question about humane treatment of animals,  it’s the end of the
paper. No matter what the scientific merit, that paper is rejected. It will
never be published, and it becomes known that he violated the guiding rules of
the American Physiological  Society. His professional career is ruined.

In essence, no undue pain can be inflicted on an animal, unless there is
extraordinarily good reason. Suppose you were studying pain, and people do
have  intractable pain. If one can demonstrate that the reason for the
experiment is really valid, the chances of getting good, useful information
are excellent, then you can inflict some level of pain on  an animal. You
can’t keep them in torture . . .

That’s very, very different from saying, well, I’m going to cut into the
kidney, I don’t have to use anesthetic. Like hell. All surgical procedures
must be done exactly as they’re done in a hospital. Without looking under the
sheets you would be hard pressed to know whether it’s a human or an animal.

THERE ARE legal restrictions, and we are  not lawbreakers.

We can’t do things that the ordinary citizen would go to jail for. All
animal facilities must be accredited and there are federal and state
regulations. The federal and state departments of agriculture come
periodically without warning to inspect the facilities. If you can’t meet the
code, it’s not accredited, you lose your grants and the institution is out of
business.

Our facility  (the university’s Unit for Laboratory Animal Medicine) has 12
veterinarians on call. That’s by law, but it’s also by choice — we would do
it even if there weren’t a law.

If surgery is required,  animals must recover in a particular recovery room
just as humans. If there is any reason to suspect that post-surgery will be
painful, they are given pain-relieving drugs.

We are almost entirely  dependent on pound dogs. We get about 2,000 dogs
and cats a year. The cost is about $35 a dog. We use about 500 cats a year.

If we had to raise our own, the cost would be up to $1,000 an animal.  That
does not include capital expense of building some facility for breeding and
raising them for a year.

How do you want your research dollars to go? Do you want them to go to
research or do you  want them to go for buying animals?

The anti-vivisectionists are really saying that they want the money to go
towards buying animals. If it costs me $1,000 to buy a dog instead of $35,
that’s $965  in money that is not going to research. If I use just 10 dogs a
year, that’s almost a $10,000 difference.

Caption:

Illustration:  PHOTO COLOR AND PHOTO AL KAMUDA

Edition: METRO FINAL

Section:  NWS

Page: 1A

Keywords: ANIMAL; RESEARCH; TEST; CONTROVERSY

Disclaimer:

3. RESEARCH OR CRUELTY? POUND NOT A PLACE TO FIND GUINEA PIGS

Sub-Head:

Byline:  JULIE MORRIS; JOEL THURTELL FREE PRESS STAFF WRITER

Pub-Date: 2/14/1985

Memo:  ALSO RAN IN WAYNE WEST AND DOWNRIVER ZONES; ;  SEE ALSO STORIES BY MALVIN AND THURTELL AND SIDEBAR

Correction:

Julie Morris opposes the use of pound animals for  medical research. Morris
is general manager of the Humane Society of Huron Valley near Ann Arbor. After
earning a bachelor’s degree in zoology from Michigan State University, Morris
quit her graduate  studies in psychobiology because, she says, animals were
being used unnecessarily in research. “We are not opposed to using animals for
food, research or clothing,” she says. “We are opposed to using  pets for
research.”

Two views expressed by Morris — that videotapes stolen from University of
Pennsylvania researchers depict mistreatment of experimental animals and that
current law does not regulate treatment of animals during an operation — have
been disputed by University of Michigan scientists. Here are some arguments
Morris offered to Free Press Staff Writer Joel Thurtell.

First, I’m  going to distinguish between the use of animals in research and
the use of pound animals in research. We as a Humane Society  have a pretty
moderate position on research.

Our goal is not to eliminate  the use of animals in research. We recognize
that animals play a very important role in research — they provide a lot of
societal benefits that we wouldn’t have without it. We feel that the animals
are used and they will be used, and that’s not a point with us.

We feel that the focus of the debate should be on the nature of the
research — not on the use of animals.

For one thing, we think  current animal control laws should be tightened.
Nothing in the current laws apply to rats or mice — there are no laws
governing them right now.

Nothing in current laws protects animals during experimentation.  There are
some stipulations for treatment before and after experimentation, but there
are no stipulations during experimentation.

THAT CAN LEAD to problems with adequate provision (for giving) the  animals
anesthetic or analgesia that is needed for the animal right then.

Recently the Animal Liberation Front raided the University of Pennsylvania
labs, where they were doing a long-time head injury research. They confiscated
about 70 hours worth of videotapes. An organization called PETA (People for
the Ethical Treatment of Animals) shortened the tapes  to a 29-30 minute
version. Their (University  of Pennsylvania) protocol that was submitted to
the National Institutes of Health said the animals would be under anesthesis
(and) they would be properly treated. There’s all sorts of clips in the tape
where the researchers say, “this sucker’s awake; oh, too bad.”

You can see the animals struggling.

An animal that’s under anesthesia would not do that. The animals were
clearly conscious.

Some animal models are inappropriate. There’s research going on now — rat
alcoholics. Rats are not alcoholics. They don’t drink. It’s a disease. An
appropriate model, on the other hand, would be something  like arterial
sclerosis in pigs, which is almost identical to arterial sclerosis in humans.

That’s very comparable.

But it’s not always very comparable. (For example,) models for autism in
animals.  Autism is a very complex psychological, social and physiological
disease and doesn’t necessarily correlate, nor can the data really be
extrapolated to make sense.

I THINK, also, emphasis on the care  and handling — I think some of the
care and handling standards are very minimal. I think U-M exceeds many of
these.

I’m not really that familiar with that many universities. I would say the
University  of Michigan is probably the highest quality in the state.

There should be animal subject review committees, made up of university
members, researchers, as well as university members who are from  outside
departments and representatives from animal welfare organizations to review
(research) protocols and be a part of that system.

Despite what (U-M professor Richard) Malvin tries to say that we do, we are
not out to eliminate the use of animals in research.

(Malvin’s estimates suggest that banning the use of pound dogs would drive
the price per animal from $35 to $1,000.) Those are wrong.  It’s not going to
increase that much or anything like that. It’s about three times or four times
more expensive.

There really isn’t a clear indication that pound animals are cheaper in the
long run  than purpose-bred (animals raised specfically for research) animals.

Certainly the purchase price is cheaper for a pound animal than a purpose-bred
animal, but there is a lot of literature where there  is increased mortality
rates from pound animals versus purpose-bred animals and decreased
reliability.

PERHAPS IN the short term the elimination of the use of pound animals might
slow things down.  It’s not going to stop research.

Basically, we feel it is inappropriate for an animal shelter to release
pound animals. Our logic is that an animal shelter should be seen as a
suffering-free sanctuary  where at the very least the animal is guaranteed a
painless death.

There really isn’t very much systematic data on it, (but) it’s very
strongly felt in the humane movement that people will not bring  animals to
shelters where they feel the animal may be released for research.

When we release the animal to research, it may be treated humanely, it may
not. It introduces an unknown factor.

Pound  release is here because America has a very large (pet)
overpopulation problem. We work to stop overpopulation.

We have a low cost spay-neuter clinic. We have cut down the population that
we see at  the shelter by 60 percent in the last six years.

WE FEEL that the use of animals in research is a reactive solution. Because
there is a problem, they’re here, let’s use them because they’re cheap,
they’re available.

It’s a tragedy, overpopulation. (Research) just exploits the tragedy. It
doesn’t give you any incentive to fight it.

Most of the dogs we see here are pets. Approximately 50 percent of the
animals we see are not strays — they came because their owners could no
longer keep them.

We rarely ever see a feral animal — an animal that is not a pet.

We got 9,509 animals  in 1984. (There were) 4,942 dogs, 3,802 cats, 765
wildlife.

Of the dogs, 55.5 percent were stray. (Of the) cats, 38 percent were stray.

(Of the total), 5,308 were euthanized, 1,823 were adopted (and) 871 were
returned to owner.

An animal that has been raised in the lab — it’s hardier, it’s used to the
laboratory conditions.

We use animals in research because we admit that there are certain
similarities between us and animals. If we’re going to admit that there are
similarities, we also need to admit that we have certain obligations.

Caption:

Illustration:  PHOTO COLOR AND PHOTO AL KAMUDA

Edition: METRO FINAL

Section:  NWS

Page: 1A

Keywords: ANIMAL; RESEARCH; TEST; CONTROVERSY

Disclaimer:

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Get another job!

By Joel Thurtell

Just call me me Mitch.

Ever notice that trick the Bard of the Free Press uses to drive home a point?

In a church hymn, it’s called a refrain.

Well, I heard yesterday that Gannett, the nation’s largest chain of newspapers, has ordered a one-week “furlough” for nearly all its workers in the first quarter of this year.

Get another job!

The very word “furlough” is meant to mislead people into thinking there is something benign going on.

Get another job!

The meaning of “furlough” is “layoff.” The only difference between being “furloughed” and being fired is that this layoff is for a week. One week of unpaid “vacation.”

Oh, really?

Get another job!

Use of the word “furlough” is meant to calm Gannett’s workers into thinking this is not so bad, just a week of no salary and no job, tighten the belt a bit and then back to work.

Oh, really?

The “furlough” announcement was a blindside. Anyone who thinks this is just for a week is angling for another blindsiding.

Get another job!

What if next week the bosses announce their profits have fallen more than they thought. Oh-oh, you’re “furloughed” for two weeks. Or, you’re “furloughed” a week in the second quarter.

Get another job!

What if the “furlough” totals a month for the year? Or two months?

Easy to work out on paper for a whole chain.

Hard to work out a household budget when you don’t know how much is coming in.

Hard to figure the future, even near-term, when the bosses use words that soothe, not inform.

That’s why I say: Get another job!

Drop me a line at joelthurtell(at)gmail.com

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Gannett’s unpaid furloughs

This just in: Gannett has ordered one-week unpaid furloughs at all of its papers except, I’m told, at the Detroit Free Press and Detroit News. The Detroit exemptions are due to those papers’ plans to reduce print publication to three days a week for the Freep and two days for the News.

Here’s the bad news from Gannett top boss Craig Dubow to staff:

From: A message from Craig Dubow <fromCraig@gannett.com>
Date: Wed, 14 Jan 2009 12:13:37 -0500
To: (Deleted)
Conversation: Furlough Program
Subject: Furlough Program

Today Gannett is implementing a furlough program across all U.S. divisions and at corporate headquarters. This means that most of our U.S. employees – including myself and all other top executives – will be furloughed for the equivalent of one week in the first quarter. This furlough will be unpaid. Unions also will be asked to participate. We are doing this to preserve our operations and continue to deliver for our customers while confronting the issues raised by some of the most difficult economic conditions we have ever experienced. After much consideration, we decided a furlough program would be the fairest and least intrusive way to meet these fiscal challenges in the first quarter, which is traditionally the lightest time of the year. We sincerely hope this minimizes the need for any layoffs going forward. As the day goes on, you will be receiving information from your division presidents explaining the program, including some FAQs to help answer any of your questions and address your concerns about pay and benefits. We have made some very difficult decisions this past year, all with the goal of keeping Gannett strong and preparing for the future. I understand I have asked a great deal of you, and I regret adding to your burden with this program. But my sincere hope is that this step removes the need to do anything more drastic, and that business conditions improve. As always, I thank you for your patience and loyalty to Gannett.

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